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Human-Environment Relationships and Interaction Essay

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Introduction

Humans and the environment are closely connected and related to each other. That is why the actions of humans have consequences for the latter, and the environment affects the former. There are plenty of factors to consider to evaluate these two’s influence. Different strategies, perspectives, and concepts are used to explain the relationship between human activities and natural landscapes.

Different human activities alter landscapes in a variety of ways. Human actions can have a significant impact on an area’s ecosystem and geography. When it comes to things that change the look of the landscape, things like strip mining and open-pit mining are rather evident, but others are more subtle—human actions can have a significant impact on the hydrological cycle, erosion, and more. However, it is vital to assess the significance of places by identifying their physical and/or human features. In fact, in order to address the problems regarding the alteration of landscapes by human activities, a collective approach should be taken. Among the consequences of human activities on Earth are global warming and climate change. Climate change mitigation is frequently viewed as an issue requiring communal effort. This occurs when people refuse to lower their own emissions. While it is in our individual interests to continue emitting, it is in our collective interest to minimize emissions. The issue of climate change needs to be addressed as it has many threats to the environment, such as the extinction of animals and natural disasters.

One of the factors facilitating the change of landscapes due to human activities is urbanization. The population transfer from rural to urban regions, the resulting decline in the number of people in rural areas, and the methods by which societies adjust to this transition are all referred to as urbanization . Among other factors is the increase in plastic use, which adversely affects the environment. Plastic takes a long time to break down, and as it goes to the ocean, it pollutes water resources and makes it difficult to clean up the ocean.

Demographic patterns and population distribution are influenced by physical features and natural resources. It means that the distribution of various physical features, such as forests and water landscapes, among the location of the natural resources mines affect the distribution of populations. Thus, demographic patterns of growth, decline, and movement are also influenced by these factors. The abundance of natural resources and the presence of different physical features might help not only to follow the trends of the global population but also to predict its movement and distribution of it. The more natural resources there are at the specific place, and the more physical resources such as oceans and seas there are, the place is more likely to see economic development. The economically developed places attract more people, and thus, the population at particular places could be predicted. Economic growth is favored by the movement of the population, among the refugees and internally displaced people.

A geographic region may encompass a variety of physical features and/or human interactions. Environmental factors and humans, in fact, influence each other in different ways. Human activities, such as mining, fishing, manufacturing, and more, bring changes to the environment. People use natural resources and exploit natural places by creating resorts. Moreover, people pollute the environment by throwing plastic into the water, gases into the air, and more. The consequences are air and water pollution, deforestation, global warming, and the extinction of animals. The environment also influences people; for example, the movement of the population is impacted by the distribution of natural resources and physical objects. On the other hand, such natural phenomena as floods, volcanic eruptions, snowstorms, and other natural disasters are not appealing to people and make them move to another place. Usually, people tend to move to places with a pleasant climate, an abundance of natural resources, and places close to seaports, as these are attracting factors for living, and also such factors positively influence the economic growth of the region.

Analyzing data from a variety of resources allows us to better understand the globally connected world. Using geographic inquiry processes and skills to gather, interpret and analyze data helps to find decisions for a variety of situations related to humans and the environment. One of the tools used for this is the geographic information system (GIS). Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are computer programs that analyze and display geographically relevant information. If rare plants are found in three different locations, GIS analysis can show that all the plants were found on more than 1,000 feet of north-facing slopes, which receive more than 10 inches of rain per year (United States Government). There are many applications of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in geosciences, biology, resource management, and other subjects.

In conclusion, the relationship between humans and the environment is vital to understand in order to access both environmental and population trends. Interaction between people and the environment leads to a variety of consequences. Such factors as the distribution of resources, location of the physical objects, industrialization, trades, and natural resource demands influence the movement of the population. That is why analyzing data regarding landscapes is important for predicting global population trends. The development of strategies, both political and geographical, has a role in interpreting and analyzing the influence of humans on landscapes and the influence of environmental factors on population.

United States Government. “What is a geographic information system (GIS)?” Web.

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• The Issue of Overpopulation and Human Population Growth Control
• Rogers’ Science of Unitary Human Beings
• Plastic Ocean Pollution on Ocean Life in U.S.
• Urbanization and the Environment
• The Anthropocene Sublime Through the Lens of Edmund Burke’s Philosophy
• Issue of Pollution of Everest
• Summary of the Rhino Hunter Podcast
• The Impact of the Food Industry on the Environment
• Impact of the Exxon Valdez Spill on the Environment
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Human Impacts on the Environment

Humans impact the physical environment in many ways: overpopulation, pollution, burning fossil fuels, and deforestation. Changes like these have triggered climate change, soil erosion, poor air quality, and undrinkable water. These negative impacts can affect human behavior and can prompt mass migrations or battles over clean water.

Help your students understand the impact humans have on the physical environment with these classroom resources.

Earth Science, Geology, Geography, Physical Geography

8 1.8 THE HUMAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIP

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Introduction to Human-Environment Interactions Research

• First Online: 01 January 2012

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• Emilio F. Moran 3 &
• Eduardo S. Brondízio 3  

Part of the book series: Human-Environment Interactions ((HUEN,volume 1))

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Contemporary theories about the reciprocal interactions of human beings with the environment are only fully intelligible in the light of the historical roots of such theories. In this introduction we provide an overview of the major Western intellectual currents up to those that are commonly used today. Three main themes help organize this broad array of theories and approaches: environmental determinism, cultural determinism, and human-environment interaction concerned with the processual relationships between people and environment as grounded in historical, social, and ecological contexts. This chapter also provides an overview of the four parts of the book and discusses the coverage, diversity, and parallels in themes and approaches across all chapters.

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Contemporary theories about the reciprocal interactions of human beings with the environment are only fully intelligible in the light of the historical roots of such theories. Modern notions of homeostasis reflect ancient concerns and assumptions about the order of nature, just as our current fascination with chaos theory reflects a contemporary jaundiced view of the social order. Every society has philosophical explanations about the natural world and human beings’ place in it. It is through such explanations that members of a society articulate their normative rules and the broad outline of how they can best function as societies that depend on natural resources for their survival.

Human-environment interaction (HEI) provides a framework that brings together scholarship sharing both disciplinary depth and interdisciplinary scope to examine past, present, and future social and environmental change in different parts of the world. Key to all of these approaches is that they must be interdisciplinary and cut across the social and the natural sciences. While building upon disciplinary expertise, this type of work asks new questions that purely disciplinary research tends not to ask; it brings new methods and theories to the challenges posed by societal concerns and connects theory and practice in ways that address problems that arise from human interactions with environment. This volume brings senior and junior scholars together and, in so doing, connects these historically influential traditions to new and cutting-edge approaches that give us a glimpse into current and future trends in interdisciplinary science of human-environment interaction.

In this introduction, we provide a broad view of the major Western intellectual currents up to those that are commonly used today. Three main themes help organize this broad array of theories and approaches: environmental determinism—the determining effect of nature upon society, cultural determinism—that sees cultural context as the only way to understand our place in nature, and human-environment interaction—concerned with the interaction of people and environment. These themes represent three points on the intellectual spectrum. One view overemphasizes the influence of environment, while the second overemphasizes the role of human culture. The third view bridges the gap between the other two themes, providing a framework to examine HEI as dialectical and diachronic processes rather than unidirectional. Footnote 1

Deterministic explanations in HEI date back a long time in human history. Yet they seem recurrent. In academia, the history of deterministic explanations has promoted inter- and intradisciplinary divisions fueled by theoretical dualisms (e.g., nature-culture, agency-structure, materialist-idealist, rational-moral) rather than having societal problems or crosscutting questions informing the direction of scholarship. Our current environmental and societal issues defy reductionist and deterministic interpretations as well as panacea policies (Ostrom 2007 ), but we are still learning how to move from segmented to complementary disciplinary knowledge and integrative science. An emphasis on human-environment interaction recognizes the complexity of historical and contemporary factors affecting society and environment at various scales; because of the value put on fieldwork, HEI research has an explicit concern with corroborating deductive and inductive perspectives. As such, it encourages interdisciplinary collaboration constructed around shared questions, common frameworks, and metalanguages across disciplines. A glimpse into the traditions leading to these perspectives may serve as a useful reminder of the challenges and opportunities ahead.

1.1 Environmental Determinism

Determinism assigns one factor as a dominating influence over the whole system. From Greco-Roman times through the early part of the twentieth century, scientific theories stressed single-factor explanations to the neglect of the complex interactions of biological systems. At the heart of their argument was the role that their strategic location in the Mediterranean played in the acquisition and maintenance of such power. Writers rose to the task by explaining that the “middle latitudes” (i.e., Greece) were most conducive to favorable cultural developments because in that locale, humans were subject to an ideal proportion of the basic four elements (fire, water, earth, air). A hot tropical climate was believed to foster idleness and resignation (Thomas 1925 : 227), while the climate of Greece, with its seasonal changes, balanced the exposure to the elements and thus was the most conducive to progress. These ideas, which were endorsed by Hippocrates, Aristotle, and other major figures of ancient Greece, set a trend that was followed by the Romans. Roman writers cited geoclimatic reasons for the Roman conquest of the rest of the civilized world. Cicero attributed this success to the strategic location of Rome itself. Like Greek authors before him, Vitruvius felt the optimal location was one midway between the two extremes of hot and cold. He pointed to Rome’s dominance as proof of the correctness of his judgment. Because of the protection afforded classical learning in Christian monasteries and Arab centers of scholarship, the human-environment theories of classical times survived the turmoil that followed the breakdown of Roman rule (Castaglioni 1958 : 258–263).

Arab scholars elaborated on classical theories. The Arab conception of the human-environment relationship was twofold. One part consisted of an astrological explanation that considered humans to be part of the cosmos, resulting in their character and outlook being determined by the ruling stars of their environment. The other part was a purely geographical explanation based on climatic considerations (Alavi 1965 : 68). The Arab scholar Al-Mas’udi discussed the importance of the availability of water, natural vegetation, and topography in determining the sites of human settlements. He also correlated the climate to the humors of the body, showing how a certain climate can give rise to humoral imbalances and thus to particular virtues or vices (Alavi 1965 : 69–70). Arab scholars preserved and translated the Greco-Roman classics and, in the process, added some of their own interpretations to the texts. As a result, when the classics were read in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Europe, it was with the addition of commentaries by Arab and Jewish scholars from Cordoba, Seville, Toledo, Baghdad, and Damascus.

With the discovery of the East Indies and the New World, Europeans were thrust into contact with cultures and environments that differed considerably from their own. Among the adventurers, missionaries, and merchants of those days were naturalists and curious travelers; their accounts of the strange habitats and ways of native Asians, Africans, and Americans excited intellectual interest in explaining cultural and environmental differences. The role of human culture in buffering the impact of environment upon society began to be appreciated, and the scope of possible explanations for similarities and differences in human populations expanded.

In the late nineteenth century, a general trend toward organizing increasing amounts of archaeological and ethnological data resulted in an attempt to illuminate the processes by which human cultural history changes. A very simple heuristic device was quickly discovered—many cultures with similar artifacts and customs could be grouped by geographic location. Geographers and, later, ethnographers seized upon this notion. They viewed the interrelation of groups with their habitats as producing specific kinds of cultural traits. Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904), a scholar with broad ethnographic interests who was the founder of anthropogeography, emphasized the primacy of habitat in bringing about cultural diversity (Helm 1962 : 630). He explained human cultural evolution as being spurred by the conflicts over territory between migrating peoples. His thesis thus centered on the migration of groups, which promotes the diffusion of cultural traits (Harris 1968 : 383). While diffusion may produce divergence in the original traits, Ratzel also believed that migratory peoples usually “hold fast to their natural conditions of existence [that is, culture]” (quoted in Thomas 1925 : 140).

The environmental determinist trend continued in the twentieth century with the work of geographers Ellsworth Huntington ( 1915 ) and Griffith Taylor ( 1951 ). Huntington believed that variations in temperature and humidity were beneficial, provided they were not taken to extremes. He eventually postulated what he came to regard as an ideal climate for maximum human efficiency: one with moderate seasonal changes, average humidity, and abundant storms. Although Huntington was far from naïve, he formulated his generalizations as if climate was the only important factor.

An elementary problem with these deterministic theories is their misuse of inductive reasoning. The inductive approach requires that one observe the facts and then form a generalization that will fit all the observed facts. It has been more common among determinists to formulate a generalization first and then set out to prove it with an unclear methodology and an inadequate sample. Selective sampling led to confirmation of many deterministic generalizations. At a time when so little was known about the workings of the physical world, it is striking how broad the scope of these generalizations was.

1.2 Cultural Determinism

Unlike environmental deterministic theories, which emphasize the influence of nature on human behavior and institutions, cultural deterministic theories viewed nature as a relatively static factor or backdrop, and human history and culture as shaping human communities. Franz Boas (1858–1942) proposed what has come to be called historical possibilism—that is, nature circumscribes the possibilities for humans, but historical and cultural factors explain what is actually chosen. Boas ( 1896 : 901–908) rejected the idea that the environment was a primary molder of culture and sought explanation for cultural differences in the particular cultural history of a people. Boas did not come to this position immediately, but rather after initial acceptance of the environmental deterministic views of his day. When Boas went on his trip to Baffin Island to study the Eskimo, he did so “with a strong presumption in favor of the primacy of geographical factors in the life of the Eskimo” (Boas 1964 [1888]; Harris 1968 : 265). In The Mind of Primitive Man , Boas ( 1963 [1911]) pointed out that the environment furnishes the material out of which people shape and develop the artifacts of daily life as well as their theories, beliefs, and customs (Thomas 1925 : 278). Yet while he granted that the environment had a general influence, Boas criticized the one-sided notion that the same type of environment will, in a given stage of culture, produce the same results everywhere. While the followers of Boas insisted that there was no Boasian school, there was a certain common ground that they shared. Regarding the environment, their approach was a reaction to environmental determinism. Lowie (1883–1957), for one, in his Culture and Ethnology ( 1917 ) set out to disprove the environmental deterministic notions that “culture reaches its highest stages in temperate regions,” that the concept of liberty is directly correlated with altitude, and that island inhabitants are accomplished seafarers. Lowie argued that under the same geographical conditions, radically different cultures have developed. Alexander Goldenweiser saw the environment as a static force and culture as the dynamic element that shaped the use of natural resources. He also suggested (cf. Ferndon 1959 ) that humans change the natural environment (e.g., turning forests into cultivated fields) and, as a result, make their own environment instead of being determined by it (Goldenweiser 1937 : 452–453). As we will see later, this view (that people do not adapt to environment but modify their environment to suit them) has returned as historical ecology, emphasizing historical context and agency (Balée 1998 ; Balée and Erickson 2006 ).

Alfred Kroeber (1876–1960), like other anthropologists of his day, subscribed to the Boasian credo that the physical environment is there merely to be acted upon by human culture. Kroeber’s ( 1939 ) approach in Cultural and Natural Areas can be likened to that of his contemporary, British geographer/anthropologist C.D. Forde (1902–1973). Both of them emphasized the need for collecting ecological data and viewed such data as potentially valuable in explaining cultural similarities. Forde, for example, after summarizing the history of economic systems in relation to ecology and social organization, concluded that neither an evolutionary sequence of “economic stages” nor the nature of the subsistence base could explain the changes in culture (Forde 1934 ). Economic and social activities, he concluded, are products of the long, but largely unpredictable, processes of cultural accumulation and integration.

Kroeber’s conclusions in Cultural and Natural Areas resemble those of Forde’s in Habitat, Economy and Society ( 1934 ). With that effort, Kroeber’s fleeting use of technoenvironmental explanation ended, and he turned his idea of culture area increasingly toward notions of diffusion and “areas of culture origins.” In regard to his earlier culture/environment explorations, Kroeber ( 1939 : 205) became baffled and wrote, “The interaction of culture and environment become increasingly complex when followed out. And this complexity makes generalization unprofitable, on the whole.” He noted that in each situation or area, different natural factors are likely to be “impinging on culture with different intensity” (ibid.). In spite of its merit recognizing cultural differences and the complexity of HEI as one moves from local to higher levels of analysis, an overemphasis on the singularity of local phenomenon continued to plague theoretical approaches that insist on cultural determinism, discouraging attention to comparative work informing robust generalizations.

1.3 Human-Environment Interactions

The eighteenth century was a period when natural historians concerned with human progress formulated evolutionary sequences that attempted to explain human society in terms of increased human control over nature. One of these figures, Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot (1727–1781), foreshadows the cultural ecological approach of Julian Steward. In his Universal History (1750), Turgot interpreted the band organization of hunters as a response to the necessity of pursuing game over vast areas. Such pursuit resulted, in turn, in the dispersal and diffusion of peoples and ideas. On the other hand, where easily domesticated species were present, a pastoral way of life with greater population concentrations and greater control over resources might emerge. During this period, the Scottish School (an intellectual elite in Scotland in the eighteenth century) made efforts to correlate social organization with subsistence. A major figure of this school was historian William Robertson, whose book The History of America ( 1777 ) is a landmark for its discussion of the conditions for cultural similarities around the world. Robertson believed that cultural similarities were evidence of independent invention, arguing that similarities between the resource bases of two groups would lead to similar adaptive responses. Whenever Robertson encountered seemingly “nonadaptive” traits, he attributed such behaviors to the group’s borrowing the trait, despite its nonadaptiveness, from neighbors with whom they had had previous contact. Thus, Robertson dealt with two of the major research questions in cultural ecology: diffusion vs. innovation and explaining adaptive vs. maladaptive cultural behavior.

The Scottish School included many writers, such as Adam Smith (1723–1790), Adam Ferguson (1723–1816), David Hume (1711–1776), and James Millar (1735–1801), all of whom examined the evolution of complex societies and the cultural and materialistic forces that lead to social stratification (Voget 1975 : 90). These men looked at the interrelation of cultural units, especially those involved in the economics of a society, rather than the evolution of ideas per se. Adam Smith emphasized the division of labor as basic to understanding the increasing complexities of a modern nation (Voget 1975 : 78). Ferguson and Millar attempted to correlate various institutions, such as land tenure, marriage, and slavery, to the subsistence base found in various cultures. In so doing, they tried to correct some of the distorted accounts and explanations of prehistoric life by utilizing a variety of data sources and by avoiding racial and ethnocentric ideas about primitive “nature” or “intellect” (Harris 1968 : 29–31). Millar and others also emphasized control over resources and accumulation of an economic surplus as accounting for differing institutions. In the writings of these men, we see a growing awareness that any explanation of cultural diversity must include a consideration of a broad range of factors. They do not use single-factor deterministic explanations, nor do they overemphasize individual choice, cultural determinism, or the purposeful movement of nature toward “progress” and higher civilization. Turgot and the Scottish philosophers emphasized adaptation from one subsistence mode to another.

The nineteenth century was the heyday of the naturalists. The similarities and differences in living organisms impressed them and stimulated their search for explanations. The contributions of Charles Darwin (1809–1882) to ecological theory are particularly notable. Darwin found inspiration for his theory of evolution in the works of Charles Lyell and Thomas Malthus (1766–1834). Darwin took a copy of Lyell’s ( 1830 ) Principles of Geology with him on his HMS Beagle voyage and confided in his diary that it “altered the whole tone of [his] mind.” Through Lyell’s account of the geological record, Darwin saw an alternative to the narrow Biblical time scale and was impressed by the relationship between environmental change and modifications in biological forms. Malthus’s ( 1798 ) An Essay on the Principle of Population influenced Darwin with its idea that the natural trend of the human population was to increase unless stopped by disease, war, or famine. Darwin extended this notion to plant and animal populations.

Darwin’s synthesis appeared in 1859 under the title On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection . In this work, Darwin began by assuming that all living things are related and that the diversity of species results from a continual branching out. Such branching is a product of the process known as natural selection. According to the principle of natural selection, those organisms most fit to survive and reproduce in a given environment will outreproduce less well-adapted organisms and that species not adapted to current environmental conditions will be reduced to insignificant numbers and possibly to extinction.

If biological evolution reflected only the process of adaptation to environment, it would be a static, nonevolutionary process. For evolutionary change to occur, there must be random changes in species that are not responses to current needs but that under given circumstances give an advantage to individuals who share the trait in a population. It is easy to misunderstand Darwin’s view of natural selection. The Lamarckian idea (Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, 1744–1829) that organisms improve themselves by their own efforts and that they pass on these advantages to their offspring appeals to common sense and to the notion that evolution travels along a progressive path (Gould 1980 : 76). However, it is not in this manner that species evolve. The specter of Lamarck in evolutionary theory can be traced to his central notion that organisms respond to felt needs, and indeed, Lamarck’s ideas are relevant to the notion of specific evolution as proposed by Marshall Sahlins and Elman Service ( 1960 ) and to Steward’s ( 1955 ) emphasis on adaptive processes in local environments. In contrast, Darwinian theory emphasizes that genetic variation arises randomly and proceeds undirected. Selection acts upon unoriented variation and changes result from reproductive success. Darwinian theory’s power derives from its complexity, from its refusal to be a mechanistic theory driven by environmental determinism (Gould 1980 : 81) or by purpose. It is less appealing than Lamarck’s theory because it presents us with a universe devoid of intrinsic meaning or direction. As Roy Rappaport noted ( 1984 ), human beings have had to invent culture and ritual “to give meaning to a world devoid of meaning.” Lamarck’s theory, while failing to explain how species evolve, suggested instead how human cultural evolution occurs. It is in this realm wherein we can expect rapid acquisition of adaptive traits through ideological and behavioral change and its transmission through socialization. Technological change and cultural change work in Lamarckian ways, and they have unleashed a rate of change inconceivable in the slower, undirected process of natural selection.

Modern evolutionary theory and genetics have put to rest the simplistic notions of determinism. The functions and forms of organisms can be understood only by careful accounting of complex processes of interaction. This is best expressed in the contrast between genotype and phenotype. The genotype refers to the hereditary potential of an organism. The phenotype, on the other hand, is the product of the interaction between the genotype and the environment where the organism is located. Some species tolerate a minimum of environmental change and exhibit a minimum of phenotype variation (i.e., highly specialized species). Bacteria, for one, tolerate only minute differences in habitat temperature. The human species, by contrast, manifests great phenotypic variations and can tolerate a wide range of environmental conditions (i.e., we are a generalist species).

The development of the field of evolutionary ecology has been particularly vigorous since the 1980s (e.g., Boyd and Richerson 1985 ; Durham 1990 ; Smith 1991 ; Winterhalder and Smith 1981 ). The attention that it gives to the great complexity of the environment distinguishes it from earlier approaches. However, if one is interested in the exceptional plasticity and diversity of behavior within a species, an evolutionary ecological approach is more appropriate. It is more concerned with why diversity of behavioral outcomes occurs and less with how such adaptations effectively address the needs of species or individuals. For the latter, an adaptationist or functional approach is still more appropriate.

Steward’s early writings broke with both environmental and cultural determinism by emphasizing the use of the comparative method to test causal connections between social structure and modes of subsistence. Steward’s approach was a functionalist one, concerned with the operation of a variable in relation to a limited set of variables, not in relation to an entire social system. The cultural ecological approach proposed by Steward involves both a problem and a method. The problem is to test whether the adjustments of human societies to their environments require specific types of behavior or whether there is considerable latitude in human responses (Steward 1955 : 36). The method consists of three procedures: (1) to analyze the relationship between subsistence system and environment, (2) to analyze the behavior patterns associated with a given subsistence technology, and (3) to ascertain the extent to which the behavior pattern entailed in a given subsistence system affects other aspects of culture (Steward 1955 : 40–41). In short, the cultural ecological approach postulates a relationship between environmental resources, subsistence technology, and the behavior required to bring technology to bear upon resources.

The crucial element in Steward’s approach is neither nature nor culture but, rather, the process of resource utilization, that is, the interaction between people and their resources. The reasons for the priority he gave to subsistence are clear: Obtaining food and shelter is an immediate and urgent problem in all societies, and patterns of work at a given level of technology are limited in their ability to exploit resources. The approach is best illustrated by his study of the Western Shoshone. The Shoshone inhabited the Great Basin of North America, a semiarid land with widely dispersed resources. The Shoshone were hunter/gatherers with simple tools and relied heavily on the collection of grass seeds, roots, and berries. Steward showed how almost every resource could best be exploited by individuals—except rabbits and antelope, which required seasonal group hunting. Each fall, the Shoshone gathered pine nuts that were stored for the long, cold winter. Although in winter they formed larger population concentrations, they did not form stable social units because pine nuts were not available in the same places each year, and groups therefore had to remain fluid to adequately exploit the basin. Thus, the requirements of subsistence produced fluid and fragmentary social units. To Steward, the Shoshone presented an extreme case of the limitations placed by environment on the workable options available to a culture. Steward hypothesized that the immediate impact of environment upon behavior decreased as technological complexity improved the human capacity to modify the environment. He suggested that in complex societies, social factors may be more important in explaining change than subsistence technology or environment (Steward 1938 : 262). The research strategy proposed by Steward is all the more striking if one considers its historical backdrop. Until Steward’s time, human-environment theories either dealt in broad generalities lacking a firm grounding in empirical research or emphasized lists of cultural traits. Cultural ecology put the emphasis on careful analysis of social interaction, recording of movement, timing of work activity, and so forth. Through such research, it was possible to more effectively delimit the field of study and arrive at cause-and-effect relationships. Another, although less developed and popularized component of his theory, was a concern with levels of cultural and social integration. Steward stressed the importance of understanding complex social systems not as the average of behavioral norms. He focused on understanding levels of social-cultural integration with the idea that in any society there is a succession of horizontal and vertical organizational types along a continuum representing emergent social and political forms.

Steward has been criticized by some scholars because his approach is difficult to operationalize in the field and because it assigns primacy to subsistence behaviors. The focus on subsistence is essential to the cultural ecological approach. There are cases when other factors may have far greater control over a social system, and over the years, Steward ( 1955 : 93) expanded the scope of cultural ecology to include political, religious, military, and aesthetic features of culture. Clifford Geertz ( 1963 ) concluded in his study of Indonesian agriculture that historical and political factors are part of the total environment to which populations adapt and must not be dismissed as secondary. A few years later, Rappaport ( 1968 ) showed how ritual could play a central role in the maintenance of a society’s balance with resources. The contribution of Steward was to delimit, more than anyone before him, the field of human-environment interaction. He did so by emphasizing behavior, subsistence, and technology. The weaknesses of such an approach became apparent within a decade and spawned other research strategies.

Dissatisfaction with the research approach of cultural ecology led some scholars to search for new theories, new data-collecting techniques, and new analytical tools. The major influence on this new research approach came from general, or biological, ecology. The ecosystem concept provided a conceptual framework more satisfactory to some scientists than the behavior/social structure equation stressed by Steward. Michael Little and George Morren ( 1976 : 5) succinctly expressed the strategy: “We are concerned with those cultural and biological responses, factors, processes and cycles that affect or are directly connected with the survival, reproduction, development, longevity, or spatial positions of people. This set of questions rather than the traditional division of scientific labor defines the subject matter.”

Rappaport and Andrew Vayda gave the strongest impetus to an ecosystem approach in the field of anthropology. In fact, they preferred the term ecological anthropology because they felt that the emphasis on “culture” suggested by the term cultural ecology obscures the applicability of principles from biological ecology to the study of human adaptation (Vayda and Rappaport 1976 : 20–21). Given that humans are but one species in nature, subject to the same laws as other species, use of the principles, methods, and analytical tools of the ecological sciences would greatly add to our understanding of our own species. Vayda and Rappaport believed that anthropologists should not hesitate to adopt biological units such as population, community, and ecosystem as units of study since it allows a more comprehensive approach to ecological studies. Even the topics of research can be couched in terms that make sense across both disciplines. Vayda and Rappaport pointed out that ecologists have shared various areas of interest with anthropology: ways of defining territorial rights, ways of establishing group identity, and mechanisms for establishing buffer zones. All these can be viewed “ecologically” as regulating behavior or serving a homeostasis function. To test ecological hypotheses properly, a wealth of information is required, and no single researcher can expect to succeed in gathering it all—and it is no surprise that their own experience of field work in Papua New Guinea as part of a large interdisciplinary team studying war in that region led them to see the value of ecosystem as an integrator of work across ecology, geography, and anthropology (Vayda and Rappaport 1976 : 23).

Vayda’s study of how warfare in New Guinea is related to population fluctuations, changes in man/resource ratios, and the competition of different highland clans for gardens and pigs is a notable example of the ecological approach (Vayda 1974 , 1976 ). Rappaport, working with the Tsembaga Maring in the same region, was more concerned with how ritual serves to regulate: (l) the size of the pig herd, (2) the frequency of warfare, (3) the availability of horticultural land within reasonable walking distance of the village, (4) the length of the fallow cycle, and (5) the military strength and alliances of a tribe and the likelihood that it will hold on to its claimed territory. Footnote 2 Rappaport is not really concerned with the individual decisions of the Tsembaga Maring as they see their pig herd increase to the point that they become a threat to the human ecological system. Rather, he finds that the system “senses” the increased burden of having too many pigs. When a system threshold is reached, the elders call for a ritual pig slaughter. The ritual reduces the number of pigs and facilitates the creation of alliances between neighboring groups. Warfare follows, and its occurrence serves to distribute the population over the landscape and to return the system to “initial conditions” or a state of equilibrium.

An important issue raised by Rappaport’s study ( 1968 ) is the utility of the concept of homeostasis. As used by Rappaport, the concept was equivalent to equilibrium—a view shared by some biological ecologists and reminiscent of the Greco-Roman search for order in nature. In equilibrium models, attention is paid to how cultural practices help maintain human populations in a stable relationship with their environment. This view is the prototype of neofunctionalism, and it has its drawbacks. It views the current state of the system as the norm and overemphasizes the functions of negative feedback to the neglect of the dynamics of change accelerated by positive feedback. This viewpoint tends to preclude the possibility that behaviors might be maladaptive, which they surely are in certain situations (Alland 1975 ; Eder 1987 ).

Adaptation to environment is, however, not a simple matter of negative feedback. System correction through negative feedback operates most effectively at lower levels in a system. Higher levels operate at a more general level wherein ambiguity and vagueness permit constant reinterpretation and restructuring of system properties as responses to perturbations. Homeostasis and dynamic equilibrium do not imply changelessness. On the contrary, they require constant adjustment of system parts and even some change in structure in response to perturbations (Rappaport 1977 : 169). In other words, while systems have lower-order mechanisms geared to the maintenance of stability, they also have higher-level, less specialized responses that can reorder the system to assure its survival—a view echoed in more sophisticated ways today in terms of emergent properties of systems.

A number of problems must be recognized in how the ecosystem concept was used: a tendency to reify the ecosystem and to give it properties of a biological organism, an overemphasis on energetic flows and measurement of calories, a tendency for models to ignore time and structural change (and to overemphasize homeostasis), a tendency to neglect the role of the individual, a lack of clear criteria for defining boundaries of systems, and level shifting between field study and analysis of data (see review in Moran 1990 ). Problems of reification have been addressed in recent years by an emphasis on how individuals modify the environment and not simply adapt to a reified nature (Balée 1998 ; Boster 1983 , 1984 ; Crumley 1994 ). Today, few scholars would suggest that measurement of energy flow ought to be a central concern of ecosystem studies. Concerns have shifted to nutrient cycling, decision making, complexity in systems, and loss of biodiversity (Jordan 1987 ; Lansing 2003 ; Levin 1998 ; NRC 1999 ; NSB 1989 ). Studies show increasing attention to historical factors and even whole “schools of thought” on historical ecology, environmental history, environmental geography, and other spinoffs. The role of individuals and households has also blossomed (Lees and Bates 1990 ; Rindfuss et al. 2003 ; Roy Chowdhury and Turner 2006 ; Wilk 1990 ).

In the future, studies are likely to be most fruitful when they integrate a general systems approach with the study of how actors develop individual strategies. There is no reason why both perspectives cannot be used, and there is evidence that researchers have already begun to balance a concern for the individual with a concern for the population. One way to overcome the tendency toward static equilibrium models might be to study how populations adapt to certain kinds of stress. By studying the response of individuals to hazards, we can answer such questions as the following: Who responds? Does stress lead to changes in the structuring of the population? Are cultural patterns changed? How do people perceive the severity of the stress to which they are responding? How does the human population adjust to termination of the stress? These questions are more likely to be productive in outlining systemic interrelations in populations experiencing changing situations than in those with stable situations (cf. Lees and Bates 1990 ; McCabe 2004 ; Vayda 1983 ).

Historical ecology offers valuable insights to scholars from all disciplines interested in global environmental change, as well as a bridge between the social sciences and the humanities. History represents the recent record of what we know as the longer record of evolution, except that the historical record tends to be more detailed, more nuanced, and closer to contemporary conditions and offers provocative insights into alternatives to our current environmental dilemma. Global models tend to be coarse in scale and lack anything like an adequate representation of human variability and real biotic differences. One of the current and most exciting areas of research is the collaboration of paleoclimatologists, archaeologists, and historians in reconstructing the record of the past 300 years and eventually of the past 6,000 years (Johnson et al. 2005 ). Landscape history (Crumley 1994 : 6) refers to the study of changing landscapes over time and in space. Human beings adapt to and bring about modifications in ecosystems—and have done so for thousands, if not millions, of years. Historically informed environmental analysis is a necessity if for no other reason than to correct the misperception that past environments were “pristine” and that only recently have humans begun to have an impact on the earth (Jacobsen and Firor 1992 ). Hardly any spot on earth is unaffected by human action, and humans have brought about changes, both positive and negative, in all landscapes. This record of human impact on environment offers a rich menu of choices we have made and their consequences, providing a view of alternatives much richer than a focus on the present would ever provide—choices to avoid and alternatives to be taken. Historical ecology brings together the approaches of ethnography, archaeology, history, and paleoscience to address environmental issues at regional and global scales (Crumley 1994 ), but the marriage of environmental history with historical ecology has not been consummated (Winterhalder 1994 ). The differences between these two approaches come from the former coming from the discipline of history and therefore being reluctant to theorize, while the latter sees itself as a research program that emphasizes agency and historical context. It is not an insurmountable problem and is one that could be resolved by more interaction, given the desire of some environmental historians to ally themselves with ecological anthropological theory (Wooster 1984 ). To focus together on a given historical problem or landscape is likely to be the way forward.

In a recent and important volume, William Balée and Clark Erickson ( 2006 ) present historical ecology as a research program distinct from previous approaches. They suggest that their strategy is distinct from that of landscape ecology because they focus on how human beings bring about changes in landscapes. They take a strong position that there are no pristine environments but, rather, as soon as humans enter into an environment, it is made into a human landscape and modified by human actions for human objectives. They argue that human beings do not adapt to the physical conditions of the environment by adjusting their population size and settlement size to initial environmental conditions. Rather, they propose that humans transform those constraints into negligible analytical phenomena (Balée and Erickson 2006 : 4) through transformation of soils, drainage, cropping practices, and so on. Further, they dismiss cultural ecology, ecosystem ecology, adaptationist approaches, and systems ecology because they “ultimately deny human agency” in positively changing the environment over time (ibid.). While there is value in emphasizing how local populations modify an environment to achieve their goals (Balée 1998 ), it is an overstatement to say that the adaptation approaches deny human agency (Rival 2006 ).

One current and popular theoretical approach used by environmentally oriented anthropologists and geographers is that of political ecology. Recently, the section on cultural ecology of the Association of American Geographers, for example, was renamed the section on cultural and political ecology (cf. Jarosz 2004 ). Human ecologists have become increasingly aware that power relations affect human uses of the environment. We are now aware of the role of environmental movements in exerting pressure on political bodies, corporations, and institutions. There is a renewed awareness of the potential value of human ecology in influencing policy and understanding the future of how humans impact the environment (Brosius 1999 ; Greenberg and Park 1994 ).

Few if any places in the world today are untouched by global forces such as climate change, capitalism, media, and the reach of the United Nations (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987 ; Braudel 1973 ; Rappaport 1993 ; Wolf 1982 , 1999 ). We cannot ignore in environmental analysis the ways these relationships of local to global systems lead to particular outcomes (Moran 1982 ).

Political ecology bears great affinity with political economy, as both explore the role of power relations in affecting human uses of the environment, particularly the impact of capitalism on developing societies (Brosius 1997 , 1999 ; Gezon 1999 ; Kottak 1999 ). Unlike political economy (with its central interest on class relations), political ecology is centered on the ravages that capitalism brings upon the environment and on human-habitat relations (Johnson 1995 ; Lansing 1991 ; Peet and Watts 1994 ; Rappaport 1993 ). It has been noted that political ecology has a tendency to privilege the local scale as more desirable than other scales, often viewing larger scales as oppressive of the local, and that this “local trap” can lead to major analytical errors (Brown and Purcell 2005 ). As a relatively new approach, political ecology still lacks a robust theory or a settled paradigm (Biersack 1999 ). The scale preference noted above is just one of several philosophical and theoretical traps that remain to be solved. As it matures, one sees some trends developing closer to the concerns of the environmental social sciences (Bates and Lees 1996 ; Crumley 1994 ) while others develop closer to so-called critical theory and cultural studies (Biersack 1999 ; Peet and Watts 1996 ).

At present, the bulk of political ecological analysis has stayed well within the concerns of the social sciences and distant from the physical and biological sciences in its data collection and methods of research. It has been more concerned with cultural and political critique and has only rarely presented a substantive body of environmental data as part of the analysis of political ecology. In short, it has been stimulating on the politics but less substantive on the environmental side. Vayda and Bradley Walters ( 1999 ) take issue with what they consider to be the dominant role claimed for political and political-economic influences in advance of the research (Bryant and Bailey 1997 ) instead of empirically examining a broader set of factors in which the outcome of what is most important is not known in advance. Lisa Gezon ( 1997 , 1999 ), among others espousing political ecology, focuses on examining how people engage politically in contesting access to resources but only rarely presents environmental data on the resource being contested. Vayda and Walters ( 1999 : 170) argue that ignoring the biological data can lead to unwarranted conclusions about the primacy of political influences. This may be a sign of political ecology’s need to address the valid concerns of environmentalism and other political causes. But if its results cannot be integrated with the enormous efforts at understanding human dimensions of global change, conservation biology, environmental NGOs, and other local and regional agencies engaged in environmental protection, it may grow marginal to the very policy world it wishes to influence. It is important for political ecologists to join biophysical scientists in examining together the complex forces at play. As any other complex adaptive system, human ecosystem outcomes are nonlinear, have emergent properties, and can be remarkably counterintuitive. Political ecology and other ecologies used by environmental social scientists need to seek ever new ways to integrate knowledge and advance understanding of the complexities inherent in ecological systems.

One of the fields that expanded in reaction to environmental problems was institutional analysis. The field of institutional analysis has been interdisciplinary from the beginning, drawing on anthropology, sociology, political sciences, economics, and geography, among other disciplines, but fundamentally concerned with the management of common-pool resources (Acheson 2006 ; Agrawal 2003 ). There is significant overlap between political ecology and institutional analysis but enough differences in terms of intellectual community, research framework, and design to treat their development as distinct.

During the 1960s and the early 1970s debates on the catastrophic effects of human behavior, the uncontrolled increase in population and pollution, in addition to the dangers of irreversible environmental damages caused by overexploitation of natural resources at local and global scales, triggered the development of a variety of government regulations and policies to reduce and control the impact of human activities on the earth’s resources (McCay and Acheson 1987 ). The drive to regulate through government intervention was made even more urgent by an extremely influential paper by Garrett Hardin ( 1968 ) published in the journal Science. Based on this work, “The Tragedy of the Commons,” the unsustainable exploitation of natural resources and environmental services, caused by an increase in population and maximization of per capita consumption in the absence of rules of use, could be controlled only through privatization or centralized government. This oversimplification of common-pool resource management (Dietz et al. 2003 ; Ostrom et al. 1999 ) stimulated an extremely fertile area of investigation, focused on institutional arrangements to function as mediator between population and natural resources.

Institutional analysis of empirical case studies based on ethnographic work carried out by anthropologists soon uncovered the existence of a variety of successful institutional arrangements for the management of natural resources (McCay and Acheson 1987 ; Ostrom 1990 ). This analysis not only revealed that humans were not inherently destructive of their environment but also showed that what can be characterized as rational behavior (i.e., individuals maximizing some objective function) does not necessarily result in the negative outcomes Hardin suggested (Ostrom 1990 ). Research efforts within the largely interdisciplinary community involved with institutional analysis helped to identify two nodes that could contribute to solve the problem of common-pool resource management: restricting access to resources and creative incentives for responsible use. They also recognized several challenges facing the global commons (e.g., oceans, atmosphere, fisheries), among them the problems involved in expanding local- and national-level arrangements to manage global environmental resources, the effect of cultural differences in defining common rules, the primacy of national political and economic interests, understanding the complexity introduced by the interaction of various resources, and the rapid rate of environmental and social change (Brondízio et al. 2009 ; Ostrom et al. 1999 ).

Attention to common-pool resources occurred parallel to and in connection with the rise of indigenous and local social movements and reclamation of access to resources. This occurred as a reaction to expanding agrarian systems into land held under various institutional arrangements, a boom in the creation of parks in previously occupied forests, and a looming crisis for global fisheries. Building upon the now classic work of political scientist Elinor Ostrom ( Governing the Commons , 1990 ), this field has developed with a rare combination of theoretical concern (e.g., collective action, game theory) and applied contributions. It arrived at a consensus about several elements significant to the successful management of common-pool resources at least at the local level. Thomas Dietz et al. ( 2003 ) discussed some of the key elements for effective management of common-pool resources: (1) effective, clear, and low-cost monitoring of resources; (2) moderate rates of change in resources and social settings; (3) intense communication and dense social networks within communities (also defined as high social capital); (4) the possibility of excluding outsiders from the resource at low cost; and (5) common agreement and support for the institutions in place.

A combination of “actor”- and “community”-centered approaches was particularly suitable for framing and testing the environmental outcomes of specific institutional arrangements. This line of investigation was formalized, for instance, in the institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework (Tucker and Ostrom 2005 ). In the words of Catherine Tucker and Ostrom ( 2005 : 87), IAD depends on “theories of rational choice, collective action, common property, and social capital,” and it focuses on “the action situation, which is composed of participants, positions, actions that respond to information and relate to potential outcomes, and the costs of benefits associated with actions and outcomes.” Environmental conditions were important in this approach since they influenced the actors’ choices and defined part of the single actor’s assets and information.

Research on institutional analysis has also centered attention on scaling up lessons learned at the local level to larger scales (Berkes 2006 ), which is indicative of the strong presence of institutional perspectives within interdisciplinary research programs concerned with human dimensions of global environmental change (Young et al. 2008 ). Several examples illustrate the productive engagement of anthropology with institutional research, such as studying the intersection of community management and policy intervention in irrigation (Trawick 2001 ), fisheries and markets (Acheson 2003 ; McCay 1998 ), comanagement systems (Castro and McGrath 2003 ), and commodity markets (Brondízio 2008 ; Tucker 2008 ), among others. This research community continues to grow in an interdisciplinary manner, taking a less dogmatic approach toward the determinants of change in human and environmental systems. Recent efforts in institutional analysis have focused on developing a social-ecological system (SES) framework to support multilevel interdisciplinary research (Ostrom 2009 ). The basic structure of Ostrom’s SES framework is organized in four main domains of analysis (resource systems, resource services and units, governance systems, and actors), each of which has a nested set of tiers of level-specific variables (McGinnis 2011 ; Ostrom 2009 ; Nagendra and Ostrom, submitted to Ecology & Society ). An SES allows for the development of a shared lexicon of variables at different levels, data types and code systems, and integration, and as such it represents a promising tool to support collaborative research and cumulative knowledge on human-environment interaction.

1.4 A Road Map to the Chapters

Chapters in this volume embody the challenges of linking disciplinary expertise and interdisciplinary approaches to the practice of HEI research. In different degrees, chapters contribute ways of overcoming deterministic explanations (cultural, environmental, technological, or otherwise) in favor of historically and politically situated human interactions with the environment. We are aware that this coverage is not exhaustive, but it offers a microcosm of contemporary HEI research in terms of thematic, theory and methodology, level of analysis, and regional coverage. Drawing on research from eleven countries across four continents, chapters bring perspective from various specialties in anthropology and human ecology, institutional analysis, historical and political ecology, geography, archaeology, and land change sciences.

The ensemble of chapters in this volume also aimed at providing, although not all inclusive, a comprehensive sample of theoretical approaches and levels of analysis, regional problems, methodological design, and data collection tools, lending themselves useful to comparative research and to the training of graduate and undergraduate students. The rich array of methods deployed across chapters includes various applications of remote-sensing data (illustrating various forms of fusion of data with different spatial resolution); standard and participatory GIS; statistical, archival, and policy analyses; market surveys; and institutional analysis tools (e.g., IAD), in all cases informed by field research. This is perhaps the hallmark feature of contemporary HEI, that is, the imperative of understanding issues from both a bottom-up perspective informed by the empirical reality of people and localities, analyzed however within a regional framework. Chapters break away from reductionists’ disciplinary confines to illustrate cross-sectional, longitudinal, and comparative approaches applied to indigenous, rural, peri-urban, and urban contexts. Field research techniques include a range of ethnographic and standard survey tools used to collect sociodemographic, health, and nutritional data; household- and community-level organization; institutional analysis; experimental economics; vegetation ecology; land-use/cover change (LUCC) inventories; and not least archaeological techniques.

The four parts are organized to reflect approaches to four dimensions of HEI research: health and adaptation approaches, land change and landscape management approaches, institutional and political-ecology approaches, and historical and archaeological approaches. These parts reflect not only attention to different societal problems but illustrate the complementarity of different analytical foci to these problems. While the book is organized in four thematic parts, one will find significant cross-sectional overlap in research approaches and underlying concepts across chapters. This indicates the shared conceptual and methodological basis and shared terminology within the interdisciplinary HEI research community. It is a recognition that the issues at hand cannot (and should not) be approached in isolation, that is, as contained within the domains of either social or physical science. It is this shared understanding of theory, concepts, and methods that offers a metalanguage for collaborative and comparative research addressing problems of societal interest. We see common underlying themes and factors intrinsic to HEI being analyzed across chapters, such as local livelihoods, the impacts of development and policy making, trajectories of urbanization, community and household change, changes in property regimes, conflicts between people and protected areas, and the pressure of globalization on resource systems. One of the underlying crosscutting themes is LUCC. This is not surprising, as it represents an integrative theme in HEI that links external pressures, human behavior and decision making, institutions, and biophysical process from local to global scales. Chapters ground the analyses of these themes in historical and institutional contexts, paying attention to trajectories of change and the interplay between sociodemographic, cultural, environmental, and political-economic variables; in other words, they approach problems by avoiding deterministic interpretations or decontextualized analysis.

The first part of the book brings together three dimensions of research on population health and adaptation, which capture, on one hand, the long-term impact of national development projects and regional transformations on indigenous people, and, on the other hand, emerging infectious diseases. The latter is a growing field of research that opens new interdisciplinary bridges between social, environmental, biological, and medical sciences in HEI research.

These chapters illustrate applications of several theories relevant to HEI research, while placing particular studies within broader trends of fertility, nutritional, and epidemiological transitions. The first and second chapters are unique for their rich longitudinal ethnographic perspectives capturing the ways development programs and major sociocultural transformations around and within indigenous areas have contributed to change the lives and livelihoods of indigenous people in lowland South America and the highlands of Tibet. By placing cases within broader comparative trends, these chapters speak to issues relevant throughout the world. The third chapter, on the other hand, benefits from a case study approach to reveal relationships between environmental and socioeconomic change in the spread of important global diseases such as SARS, Nipah virus, Ebola, malaria, and Lyme disease. Placing infectious diseases within the context of different forms of people-wildlife interaction, the chapter reviews pathways related to wildlife consumption, different forms of LUCC, and primate-based ecotourism. In discussing these pathways, it calls attention to the ways human behaviors act as direct or indirect drivers of change facilitating the spread of infectious diseases. This analysis is particularly relevant to inform our understanding of current and future trends in infectious diseases and possible mitigation pathways.

Chapters in Part II offer a rich array of studies on land change and landscape management across four continents, addressing problems of wildlife management, people and protected areas, and forest conservation across a range of private, public, and common-property regimes. As other chapters in this volume, it contributes to the emerging literature on landscape management and ecosystem services, in particular, by bringing attention to institutional arrangements, policy and economic incentive systems, and sociodemographic and cultural dimensions influencing decision making. The range of research approaches is equally informative to HEI research as it combines participatory GIS and qualitative methodologies, meta-analysis of case studies, institutional analysis, and a variety of remote-sensing techniques coupled with field assessments. Chapter 5 uses a participatory GIS and qualitative approaches to integrate the views of different stakeholders involved with red deer management in Scotland. It focuses on understanding (and finding solutions to) the mismatches between deer ecology and the institutional organization of landscapes bounded by different property and management regimes. Chapter 6 , on the other hand, reveals a gradient of sociodemographic and economic conditions surrounding protected areas throughout India. Reviewing the drivers and pressures on 15 protected areas, four of which are studied in detail, it calls attention to the challenges of conservation in areas of high population pressure. As the previous chapter, it calls attention to the importance of considering conservation within a landscape perspective and the limits of conserving islands of resources in an increasingly interconnected world. Chapter 7 provides a comprehensive overview of forest protection in private areas in the United States; it highlights different forms of interactions between private and public decisions regarding the use of forest resources. Using an institutional perspective, it offers a useful approach to examine forests as bundles of property rights and bundles of ecosystem services interacting differently at different scales. Finally, Chap. 8 focuses on the challenges of monitoring landscapes representing a gradient of land-cover types in the African continent. Three case studies (Uganda, Botswana, and Namibia) are examined in detail to review the overlap between vegetation gradients and institutional arrangements representing different types of management areas.

Expanding on approaches to institutional analysis illustrated in the preceding part, Part III brings together five cases discussing the role of local histories, national policies, infrastructure change, and economic pressures and opportunities upon the evolution of institutional arrangements affecting natural resource management and urbanization. Chapters provide analysis representative of different social groups—from farmers and fishery communities to urban residents—living along a gradient of rural-urban settlements across the Americas. They illustrate the sophistication of institutional approaches in incorporating multiple methodologies and research tools, including longitudinal and cross-sectional approaches, experimental economics, remote sensing and GIS, surveys, and institutional analysis frameworks (i.e., IAD). Benefiting from longitudinal ethnography and historical research, Chap. 9 provides a long-term perspective to the evolution of institutional arrangements in the Amazonian floodplains. It examines the roles of federal agencies, NGOs, local fisheries unions, and local residents and reviews the advances and pitfalls of efforts to regularize and regulate land tenure and local resource management systems. Chapter 10 brings an experimental economics perspective to examine the role of incentives and sanctions on rural populations’ behaviors toward natural resources in Colombia. It calls attention to the limits and potentially counterproductive results of penalty systems on small farmers’ land-use decisions. Chapter 11 takes a comparative perspective to examine small farmers living within and around national forests in two contrasting regional realities of Brazil, that is, the Atlantic Forest in the state of São Paulo and the lower Amazon in the state of Pará. It pays particular attention to the role of national policies affecting small farmers in protected areas, some of which encourage production while others restrict their ability to make land-use decisions in areas of national forests. Building upon long-term ethnographic research, Chap. 12 provides a careful review of phases of institutional evolution in rural Honduras and its implications for local well-being and the forest environment. Integrating remote-sensing analysis and local socioeconomic indicators, it points to the mixed outcomes of economic and institutional changes to the local population. Closing this part, Chap. 13 focuses on the fast process of urbanization in the United States and the differential roles of federal, state, and local land-use policies in shaping the directions of urbanization and exurbanization. Contextualized within a broader literature review, it examines in detail urbanization cases in the states of Ohio, Indiana, and Arizona and integrates institutional and policy analysis within a spatial framework, which allows the authors to compare the outcomes of different land-use policies and their regional particularities.

Finally, Part IV is dedicated to studies highlighting the value of historical and archaeological approaches to HEI. Ranging from decadal to centennial to millennial, these cases employ a range of methods to study trajectories of land-use intensification resulting from demographic and economic pressures and mediated by institutional arrangements and property systems. Chapters illustrate the influence of colonial policies in Uganda, discuss a unique group of colonists from Japan in post-WWII Brazil, and suggest the expansion of manioc-based agriculture in the Amazon resulting from European conquest. As in previous parts, one finds a diverse set of methodologies and evidence supporting historical approaches to HEI. Together, these chapters illustrate the integration of archival research, institutional analysis, meta-analysis of published studies, remote sensing of various time depths, vegetation ecology, and archaeological field investigation. Chapter 14 describes the fascinating history of Japanese colonization in the Amazon and their trajectories toward a leading position in global black-pepper production following WWII. After a crash in the black-pepper economy, the community pioneered intensive agroforestry using local and exotic fruit crops. The study goes further in examining the consequences of agroforestry intensification for land-cover change, carbon sequestration, and other ecosystem services vis-à-vis a growing tendency toward conversion to pasture in the region. Chapter 15 extends the time scale to the late nineteenth century to examine the impact of English colonial policies on land tenure in the West Mengo region of Uganda. Using aerial photographs, satellite imagery, archival research, and several fieldwork methods to assess land use and institutional arrangements, it reveals that contrary to dominant narratives of degradation by smallholders, the area has experienced increased tree cover since WWII concomitant with increased pressure for natural resources from urban and rural areas. The closing chapter of the volume takes us back to fundamental questions about the intensification of agriculture in pre-Colombian South America and the rise of sociopolitical complexity. It offers a fascinating account of the connection between language dispersal and diversity and plant and agricultural domestication in the region. It flips traditional theories of environmental determinism explaining the structure and distribution of pre-Colombian Amazon societies. It argues for the lack of evidence indicating intensive agriculture as the basis for large pre-Colombian populations in the region’s floodplains and proposes a provocative hypothesis suggesting that diverse forms of intensive agroforestry, water resource management, and trade and regional resource acquisition as central to the economy of the region until the arrival of Europeans.

In the concluding chapter, authors review some of the underlying themes of the book and call attention to the recurrent challenges of developing cross-scale analysis and integrative frameworks to overcome deterministic approaches to HEI. We invite the reader to enjoy the richness of each localized chapter while exploring the various thematic, theoretical, and methodological threads connecting them independent of temporal and spatial scale or region of the world. Together, they are representative of a broader “epistemic community” concerned with advancing understanding of the interdependence of social and environmental problems through a network of interdisciplinary collaboration build upon the complementarity with disciplinary knowledge.

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Moran, E.F., Brondízio, E.S. (2013). Introduction to Human-Environment Interactions Research. In: Brondízio, E., Moran, E. (eds) Human-Environment Interactions. Human-Environment Interactions, vol 1. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4780-7_1

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Just another sb you: web publishing for you site, our role and relationship with nature.

I.  Introduction

Earth as we know it is an incredibly complex and fragile network of interconnected systems that have developed slowly over the last 4.5 billion years or so.  From the ashes of the Big Bang this planet emerged as a mass of energy and elements.  From that newly born mass of energy and elements evolved structured, dynamic systems of solids, liquids, and gases.  The evolution of this planet continued to unfold over billions of years in such a unique way that eventually conditions arose with the ability to foster life.

From the smallest microorganisms to the largest animals, all life on Earth has a common ancestor.  Everything is connected to everything.  So how is it that our species has come to dominate the landscape in such a short period of time?  Furthermore, what gives us the right to do so?  In 3.5 billion years of life on Earth everything has followed a natural course of evolution.  However, our rapid success as a species has begun to affect this natural order.  With our population at seven billion and climbing, we have played a tremendous role in the disruption of the Earth’s natural systems.  As we continue to grow and have a greater impact on the Earth’s systems, it is imperative that we address our role and relationship with nature.

The ability of humans to manipulate the landscape and recognize the consequences of doing so puts us in a peculiar position.  As a species we are assigned the duty to provide and proliferate.  Our goal is to achieve stability for ourselves and our kin.  However we also have an obligation to maintain the environment, as we depend on the resources and services it provides.  The question then becomes: what is our role in nature?  Do we have the right to manipulate the land, factory farm animals, and pollute waterways?  Or do we have an obligation to reduce our numbers and merely subsist?  In order to answer these questions we must rely on our knowledge of Earth, evolution, and our influence on the environment.

II.  History

Our relationship with nature has historically been one of imbalance and overuse.  Nearly every step in human history has unfortunately been accompanied with a leap in environmental degradation.  At first, humans were incredibly in-tune with their surroundings.  Nomadic hunter-gatherer tribes used to roam the lands, following the ebb and flow of the seasons.  These tribes had a measurable impact on the environment, but their influence was relatively manageable due to their population size.  With advancements in technology and agriculture though, humans began to find more efficient ways of sustaining themselves.  These advancements allowed for more permanent settlements, which led to rapid population growth and a distancing from nature.

As society evolved, populations grew and more and more resources were required to fuel the expansion.  With breakthroughs in agriculture, settlements became more permanent and cities began to take shape.  This shift to city life inadvertently led to a distancing from nature.  While many people were still in-tune with nature on a subsistent level, the need for more and more resources began to change our regard for nature.

Although our distancing from nature began several thousand years ago with advancements in agriculture and social order, it is the age of industry to which we owe our modern regard for nature.  The growth of cities allowed for a separation between people and nature and our obsession with convenience and efficiency beckoned a new perspective on the environment.  With technological advancements, nature became something we were no longer apart of and entirely subject to, but something that we could control and profit off of.  The growth of industry enabled humans to truly dominate the landscape and disrupt the natural systems that have been in place for billions of years.

As we have removed ourselves further and further from nature, we have developed a willing ignorance of our role and relationship within it.  With the growth of cities and trade we have moved from a subsistent, sustainable economy to one of greed and exploitation.  Humans have always had an impact on the environment, but with the age of industry that impact has been ultra-magnified.  Population growth has been exponentiated, cities have become the primary place of residence, and the majority of the world is now out of touch with the workings of nature.

Although every species plays a unique role in the biosphere and inherently has its own impact, not every species has the cognitive ability to measure their influence or the capacity to change it.  Humans are unique in that respect, which is the root of the problem.  We are capable of understanding our influence over nature, but we tend to ignore the Earth’s reaction to our presence.  I am not arguing that we purposefully degrade nature, but that environmental degradation is an inherent trait of our population’s perpetual progression.  We know we are crippling the environment.  We have the ability to do something about it.  Therefore, we should make change where change is necessary.

III.  Economy

The size of our population and its incessant desire to expand has an obvious impact on the environment.  However, that impact is magnified with the demands of industry and capitalism.  In his book, Regarding Nature , Andrew McLaughlin identifies industrialism and the capitalist mindset as being especially influential on our regard for nature: “The economic systems that we construct and live within are, I suggest, the primary immediate causes of our relations between society and the rest of nature” (Regarding Nature, P. 12).  Further causing a perceived division from nature is the economic structure we have allowed to infect most of the world.

Capitalism is an especially destructive force in our regard for nature as it encourages a monetary-driven social hierarchy based on the encroaching exploitation of our world’s resources.  Our relationship with nature has now become purely economic.  We do not associate ourselves as a part of nature because we use it for profit.  Forests are cut down for the profits of the lumber industry and to make room for livestock.  Animals that we are undoubtedly related to, that have senses and the ability to socialize are slaughtered by the billions to feed an increasingly carnivorous population.  Resources such as oil and food are all unevenly distributed throughout the world and therefore used as a platform for profit.  All the while the environment bears the grunt of our greed.

We not only encourage a division amongst ourselves through the commoditization of the world’s resources, we encourage a division between man and nature.  In order to reconstruct our views of nature and understand our place within it, it is important to reconsider our relationship with each other and our surroundings.  As Aldo Leopold puts it, man “…has not learned to think like a mountain” ( A Sand County Almanac, P. 11).  We have to consider ourselves as part of a bigger picture.  Industry and capitalism rely heavily on ignorance and individualism.  However, the reality is that we are all dependent upon each other in one way or another.

IV.  Time for Change

Humans play a vital role in nature just like everything else.  What separates us from nature though, is the ability to understand our place within it.  This cognitive capacity of ours has historically been the cause of a perceived division between man and nature.  However, in order to achieve a sustainable future in which humans assume a more natural role and have less of an impact it is imperative that we reconsider our role and relationship with nature.  A change in the way we regard nature has obvious political, economic, and social repercussions, but our cognitive ability obliges us to reevaluate our position in the world rather than continue to degrade it.

There are a number of ways in which we can begin to reconsider our relationship with nature, but all of which require an enormous effort.  Through a universal education curriculum, it is possible to encourage people everywhere to consider themselves as part of a larger picture.  By teaching people about the environment, evolution, and ecology, we can provide them with the tools for change.  Lewis Mumford imagined a social revolution brought about by a change in values through educational reform: “The humanizing of technology and the protection of diversity were both contingent on a fundamental change in values” ( Minding Nature , P.219).  In order to bring about necessary change it is critical that people take action.  Through a universal environmental education program it is possible to galvanize people into forming new ideas and opinions of the world and to understand their place within it.

A universal education program would go a long way in encouraging change in how we view each other and our environment.  Changing attitudes are a primary component in achieving a sustainable future – one in which nature is allowed to run its course without human intervention.  Gregg Easterbrook discusses a similar future in his The Ecorealist Manifesto : “…the long-term purview of nature might be combined with the short-term insights of the genus Homo in ways that allow people, machines, and nature to work together for each other’s mutual benefit” ( The Ecorealist Manifesto, P. 1).  In order for the Earth to retain its balance, it is important that we not overstep our bounds as a species.  This requires a universal effort to reevaluate our relationship with nature and make adjustments as needed.

V.  Conclusion

After thousands of years of societal evolution, we find ourselves at the peak of technology and pollution.  We are already seeing the effects of our industrial ways through the extinction of species, the melting of glaciers, and the destruction of the landscape.  As we continue to disturb the world’s natural systems we are recognizing a rippling of consequences.  Our recognition of these effects suggests that our role in nature is far more influential than it should be.  Therefore it is necessary that we make major changes and that we make them soon.

Our role within nature should be one of subsistence rather than commercialization.  We have exploited the world for too long and the consequences of doing so are everywhere.  As everything is related to everything, we have no right to infringe on the livelihood of any other species.  In fact, our cognitive ability and understanding of nature obliges us to maintain the integrity of the environment.  So we must change how we influence the land.  We must respect the natural order of things and find a way to live accordingly.

Although a change in attitudes would require a complete overhaul of our current economic and political structures, it is something that must be done.  As history shows, if we continue to encourage expansion and development it is very likely that we will see major effects in climate and ecology.  We have seen the destructive nature of industrialism and capitalism.  We can predict and measure the effects of our actions on the environment.  We know we are headed in the wrong direction and we are expecting major consequences.  So why don’t we do something about it?

VI.  References

• McLaughlin, Andrew. Regarding Nature: Industrialism and Deep Ecology . Albany: State University of New York, 1993. Print.
• Leopold, Aldo, Charles Walsh Schwartz, and Aldo Leopold. A Sand County Almanac. With Other Essays on Conservation from Round River . New York: Oxford UP, 1966. Print.
• Macauley, David. Minding Nature: The Philosophers of Ecology . New York: Guilford, 1996. Print.
• Easterbrook, Gregg. “The Ecorealist Manifesto.” The Atlantic . Atlantic Media Company, 1995. Web. 13 Apr. 2014.

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I thought the physicians says there is no cure for HSV 2!!! I am telling you today that DR.UMA cure HSV 2 with his herbal medicine and once you get cured you are cured forever it is never reversible, I have been suffering for this deadly disease called h HSV 2 for more than a 2years and lost all hope because my doctor says there is no cure for HSV 2. Brethren I saw a testimony on the internet on how DR.UMA cure HSV, Hapatitis etc with his herbal medication and an email and watsapp to contact him was also displayed, I thought this was joke but I decided to contact him and he replied telling me not to worry, that my problem is over . DR.UMA sent me a herbal medication to drink for one month but only 2weeks I feel strange and I went to my doctor and he confirmed me negative. He can help you too. Contact him via email…[email protected] WhatsApp +2347035619585. He is capable of curing AUTISM, HERPES, HPV, HSV1&2, HEPATITIS A B C, and DIABETES.

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I am  john danilla  from UK( northern ireland), i want to share a testimony on how a powerful spell caster cured my HIV disease, i was diagnosed of this disease, in the year 2009, last week i saw a testimony on Dr. on how he cured an HIV patient, so i contacted him through phone call and he asked me to email him, which idid, so he told me that all my problems is over and then he decided to do an healing spell spell for me so after he finished it, he told me to wait for just 24 hours and then i should go for a test, so i really did as he had said, so my greatest surprised when i went to the hospital to go for an HIV test, the Medical doctor diagnosed that, i am now HIV negetative at first i was amazed and now i have come to realise that this spell caster Dr. believe is a very powerful one and a real spell caster. So viewers of this should please join me in my celebration for i am the happiest man on earth today and if you want to contact him, you can do this via his email ([email protected]) or whatsapp him +2348105257464   

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I thought the physicians says there is no cure for HSV 2!!! I am telling you today that DR.UMA cure HSV 2 with his herbal medicine and once you get cured you are cured forever it is never reversible, I have been suffering for this deadly disease called h HSV 2 for more than a 2years and lost all hope because my doctor says there is no cure for HSV 2. Brethren I saw a testimony on the internet on how DR.UMA cure HSV, Hapatitis etc with his herbal medication and an email and watsapp to contact him was also displayed, I thought this was joke but I decided to contact him and he replied telling me not to worry that my problem is over . DR.UMA sent me a herbal medication to drink for one month but only 2weeks I feel strange and I went to my doctor and he confirmed me negative. He can help you too. Contact him via email…[email protected] WhatsApp +2347035619585. He is capable of curing AUTISM, HERPES, HPV, HSV1&2, HEPATITIS A B C, and DIABETES.?’

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Am so happy to tell about Dr sikies , i contacted him regarding the solution to Genital Herpes and he sent me a herbal that worked perfectly well. I have waited for two years for proper observation and i am still OKAY (Herpes Negative). Dr sikies is God sent, Dr sikies has herbal solution to all health issue includine Hiv, Cancer, A L S, MS, Hepatitis A, B, C, and E viruses, Machupo virus, Liver disease, Stroke, Coronary Heart Disease,HPV , etc. Contact him with via email address [email protected] WhatsApp: +2348163430143 Placed order now via website :  https://drsikiesherbalcuremedicine.weebly.com/    Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/doctorsikiesherbs You can reach me via email : [email protected]

My Sister was having Hepatitis B and her husband was so Afraid he will lose her. We kept searching for help everywhere until someone told me about herbal medicine and how it cures all types of diseases. I ordered it from Dr Osazu after I saw many wonderful testimony about how He has Cured so many people completely without no side effects and my sister used the medication for just 14 days . Everything that Dr Osazu said about the medication are true. I am full with Joy to see my loving sister strong and healthy again. Contact him on: [email protected]

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: [email protected] TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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I tested positive for HSV-2 few months ago. At first, I was devastated thinking I have an incurable STD for life. After doing hours of research I quickly realized genital herpes is a filthy parasite that just likes to hide in your body. Yes, there’s no “medical cure” but that doesn’t mean your body can’t get rid of it. I literally flush it out of my system with the help of Dr. amulor natural herbal medication which I ordered after doing some research. And now I’m HSV-2 Negative, I never believed it until my doctor finally gave me the test results and behold I was HSV free. I’m so glad that I found you Dr. amulor Thanks so much for your goodness I’m grateful. You can also get in touch with him via call/whatsapp +2348024782981 email him at [email protected]

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I am john danilla from UK( northern ireland), i want to share a testimony on how a powerful spell caster cured my HIV disease, i was diagnosed of this disease, in the year 2009, last week i saw a testimony on Dr. on how he cured an HIV patient, so i contacted him through phone call and he asked me to email him, which idid, so he told me that all my problems is over and then he decided to do an healing spell spell for me so after he finished it, he told me to wait for just 24 hours and then i should go for a test, so i really did as he had said, so my greatest surprised when i went to the hospital to go for an HIV test, the Medical doctor diagnosed that, i am now HIV negetative at first i was amazed and now i have come to realise that this spell caster Dr. believe is a very powerful one and a real spell caster. So viewers of this should please join me in my celebration for i am the happiest man on earth today and if you want to contact him, you can do this via his email (drbelieve921@

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Am from the north Carolina. I caught genital herpes from my ex boyfriend who never had any symptoms of herpes . I had it for 4 years and it has literally affected my life before I got cured. People think herpes is really a minor skin irritation, herpes has long term effects on health. The stigma attached to this virus by ignorant people is ridiculous. Most people have herpes in one form or another but they might not be aware of it. I would like to advise people on how I got rid of my herpes by using Dr Sikies medicine. I saw a comment posted by a woman from Ireland on the internet that she got rid of her herpes with the help of Doctor Sikies and I was so happy when I saw that post. I quickly contacted doctor sikies regarding a cure for herpes. I explained things to him and he assured me not to worry that he will cure me. I ordered his medicine which was sent to me via DHL. i got the herbal medicine and i used it as i was told for the period of 2 weeks which is twice a day ( morning and at night before going to bed) .after 2 weeks, i found out that the herpes was no more and this was also confirmed by my doctor. If you have herpes or other similar disease and you want it cure, kindly contact Doctor sikies WhatsApp wa.me/+2348163430143 / Email [email protected] Dr Sikies can also cure HIV, stroke, ulcer, depression, autism, cancer, diabetes etc.

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I will forever be grateful and thankful for what Dr Osalu has done for me and my family. I Was having Hepatitis for good three years with no solution, the diseases almost took my life and because I was unable to work and I was also losing lots of-6 money for medication, but one faithful day when I went online, I met lots of testimonies about this great man so I decided to give it a try and to God be the glory he did it. He cured me of my virus and I am so happy and pleased to Write about him today. If you need his help or you also want to get cured just the way I got mine, just email him below [email protected] or WhatApp, +2348078668950  and get your healing. He has cure for other deadly diseases like Diabetes, Hiv/Aids, Hepatitis and all types and Cancer .  his website is https://drosaluherbalhome.wixsite.com/drosaluherbshome   

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Dr. Salem thank you so very much for helping to reunite me and my partner! I didn’t think we would ever be able to work things out with all that had happened between us. But you wouldn’t let me be negative and you really did get my lover back for me! Thank you again so much! We are happy and planning a vacation to celebrate our engagement. Without you and your help, I know this would not have been possible. E-mail: salem manifest lover spell @ gmail. com

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I have been diagnosed of genital Herpes for 3years and lived in pain with the knowledge that I wasn’t going to ever be well again I contacted so many herbal doctors on this issue and wasted a large sum of money but my condition never got better I was determined to get my life back so one day I saw several post about Dr Aba the herbalist how he’s used natural herbal roots and herbs to cure this particular virus. immediately I contacted Aba on his email address dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com we spoke on the issue I told him all that I went through and he told me not to worry everything will be fine again so he prepared the medicine and send it to me through ups delivery including a tree root which he said was very important and told me how to use it.. after 14days of usage the Pain, itching, and sores were gone after about 2months, am the happiest woman on earth now. This testimony is real. Thanks to Dr aba God bless you. you can reach him on his WhatsApp number on 2348107155060

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I can’t express my gratitude to Dr Aba for making me a living testimony. i have battled with HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2 for about 7years now, and i have done all i can to make sure i am cured but nothing worked out, but miraculously my friend invited me to see a video on his Blog and as i visited i decided to see few of the comment below, and i found some people talking about Dr Aba, and i decided to contact this great herbal healer to also help me,so i wrote to him, and he replied me back and assure me that i will get a cure for my HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2. and after preparing my medicine he sent it to me and when i started using it for 2weeks i was completely cured, I am assuring you that you will be cured if you also contact this great man on his Email: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or whatsapp is mobile number on +2348107155060.

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To everyone around this world, I’m telling you all about the great and powerful spellcaster DR UGHULU, the almighty man. My boyfriend left me 6 months ago all because he saw my ex-boyfriend send me a message thinking I was cheating on him, so he left me alone I have begged him and done all I can do yet he hasn’t come back I have almost got frustrated all because he left me a day can’t go without I didn’t think about him because we share our thought together. One day I was browsing on the internet when I saw the great testimonies about DR UGHULU and I went through them and saw his spiritual powerful works, it was fantastic. I made up my mind to send him a message so that he could help me bring my boyfriend back, so luckily he did everything he told me and returned my boyfriend within 24 hours. Now my boyfriend and I are living a good life. DR UGHULU thank you so much, sir. His email:[email protected] Website: https://drughulupowerfulsp.wixsite.com/my-site-ughulu or Text/Call:+1 (252) 409-1841

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My name is Ashley Jason from Canada, my husband and I have been quarreling almost all the time because he barely gives me attention. I didn’t know that it was because he was seeing another woman. One day I went through his phone and found his chat with her and how he was always spending time with her so i confronted him and he told me that he has fallen out of love with me and he wanted a divorce I told him I don’t want us to end our marriage because I love him so much, he didn’t even listen to me he went to our room packed his clothes and left. I tried reaching out to him but to no avail, I cried and cried for weeks but nothing changed so I decided to search for ways to get my husband back online and I came across a testimony on how Dr. Great use his spell to reunite two lovers so i decided to contact him on WhatsApp and we spoke and he assured me that my husband will come back to me 24 hours after he finish casting the spell. And exactly 24 hours after I heard a knock on the door I went to open the door and I saw my husband on his knees begging me to accept him back again and he promised never to leave me or do anything to hurt me again. I let him plead for a few minutes before I accepted him again. I’m so happy today to tell the world that Dr Great is truly a man of his words. Do you have a problem with your marriage or relationship then contact Dr Great at

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I was diagnosed of herpes 3 years, and ever since then i have been taking treatment to prevent outbreaks, burning and blisters, but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. Aba on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him. After our conversation he sent .me the medicine which I took according to his instructions for up to 2 weeks. After completing the medication I went back to my doctor for another test and the virus was all gone and I was completely cured, since then I have not had any signs of outbreak. I’m so filled with joy. With herbal medication .Herpes Virus is 100% curable. I refer Dr. Aba to everyone out there with the virus. His email address is [email protected] you can also Add Dr.Aba on whatsApp number on +2348107155060.

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I’m here to testify about the great work Dr Aba did for me. I have been suffering from (HERPES) disease for the past 5 years and had constant pain, especially in my knees. During the first year, I had faith in God that i would be healed someday.This disease started circulating all over my body and i have been taking treatment from my doctor, few weeks ago i came across a testimony of one lady on the internet testifying about a Man called Dr Aba on how he cured her from Herpes Simplex Virus. And she also gave the email address of this man and advise anybody to contact him for help for any kind of sickness that he would be of help, so I emailed him telling him about my (HERPES Virus) he told me not to worry that i was going to be cured!! Well i never believed it,, well after all the procedures and remedy given to me by this man few weeks later i started experiencing changes all over me as Dr Aba assured me that i will be cured,after some time i went to my doctor to confirmed if i have be finally healed behold it was TRUE, So friends my advise is if you have such sickness or any other at all you can contact Dr Aba via email [email protected] You can also call or whatsApp his telephone number on +2348107155060. Thanks once again Dr Aba. ..

I’m not here to bore you with too much story rather I want to share with you a very useful info about herpes virus and how I got cured. herpes virus is curable contrarily to what they made us to believe all this while. I got cured using herbal medicine from the local herbal doctor behind this email: [email protected] . it was simple but my obedience an determination contributed to the success of the curing process so I’m boldly saying that nobody should suffer from the cruel hand of the nasty herpes virus. take the bull by the horns

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I will forever be grateful and thankful for what Dr Osalu has done for me and my family. I Was having Hepatitis for good three years with no solution, the diseases almost took my life and because I was unable to work and I was also losing lots of-6 money for medication, but one faithful day when I went online, I met lots of testimonies about this great man so I decided to give it a try and to God be the glory he did it. He cured me of my virus and I am so happy and pleased to Write about him today. If you need his help or you also want to get cured just the way I got mine, just email him below drosaluherbalhome@gmail. com or WhatApp, +2348078668950  and get your healing. He has cure for other deadly diseases like Diabetes, Hiv/Aids, Hepatitis and all types and Cancer .  his website is https://drosaluherbalhome.wixsite.com/drosaluherbshome  

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HOW I GOT CURED FROM HERPES: I already gave up on ever getting cured of herpes because I have tried many treatment and none has work, I have gone to different hospitals they always recommend me same drugs and it not working on me, until I came across a post about DR ABA on the net from a lady who is recommending people, then i contacted him that day, and he started giving me hope and then prepared some herbal medicine which I took according to his prescription on them, so I was still doubting if it was working on me so at a time my Husband just ask me to go for check up and I did, so I found out that I was cure and free from the herpes virus, thanks to DR ABA once again. his email address is [email protected] or WhatsApp him on +2348107155060.

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My husband left me for another woman 3 months ago and ever since then my life has been filled with pain, sorrow and heart break because he was my first love whom I have spent my entire life with. A friend of mine told me he saw some testimonies of a spell caster called Dr Great that he can bring back lover within some few days, i laugh it out and said i am not interested but because of the love my friend has for me, she consulted the great spell caster on my behalf and to my greatest surprise after 2 days my husband called me for the very first time after three months that he is missing me and that he is so sorry for every thing he made me went through. He came back to me and now we are happy together. I still can’t believe it, because it is highly unbelievable. Thank you Dr.Great for bringing back my lover and also to my lovely friend who interceded on my behalf, for any one who might need the help of this great spell caster here is the email address:

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I want to testify to what Dr Ughulu did for me. I did everything I could do to bring my partner back but he didn’t come back he was with someone else luckily I saw a comment which directed me to a very good powerful and kind man called Dr Ughulu that helped me bring my partner back and now he loves me so much more than ever i am so happy with life now thank you so much Dr Ughulu, I’m really appreciate you for bringing back my partner to me in my life, all these years has been very sad for me now I have been the most happiest woman in this world all because of Dr Ughulu he has done a lot for me. You can contact through his email: [email protected] TEXT/CALL/ +1 (252) 409-1841

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

Get rid of all kinds of Herpes and virus infections, Diabetes, Hepatitis A B C, Menopause and HIV with Natural Roots and Herbs, i was once infected with HERPES , and after using Dr UMA Herbal Medicine for couple of weeks i couldn’t trace it anymore, i even went for checkup and my test came out Negative. Get your cure today from this wonderful herbalist, Dr. UMA. You can also reach doctor UMA on WhatsApp +2347035619585 or Email [email protected] . ?’

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail. com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email [email protected] or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.,.?

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughu lupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.?.

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughu lupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

Hello! I’m very excited to share what worked for me to everyone. I’m completely cured from my HSV1&2 with the use of natural medicine. I have used Oregano oil, Coconut oil, Acyclovir, Valacyclovir, Famciclovir and some other products/supplements and it hasn’t helped ever since I was diagnosed. I got outbreaks frequently and was completely devastated and I went online for a possible cure and how to get rid of Herpes. On a fateful day after taking my bath, I took my phone and was going through some research, I bumped into a testimonial of a Herbs doctor { Dr Awase } who cures diverse diseases/viruses with Herbal medication. I was hopeful but also doubted the claim. But after a while I thought “what do I have to lose?” so I decided to reach out. He prepared a cure using roots and herbs which I steadily took for 14days as prescribed by him. I am quite glad I decided to reach out because I am totally cured from Herpes after a medical checkup was done by my Dr. So I’ve decided to make a quick testimony for anyone out there who is probably suffering from an illness they can’t handle to reach out to Dr Awase. He specializes in curing lots of illnesses such as HIV, ENDOMETRIOSIS, PCOS, OVARIAN CYST, INFERTILITY, HEPATITIS A,B,C and lots more. I’m here to let you all know that you can also be cured just like me and you don’t have to live with any sort of illness for the rest of your life. To reach out, Contact him via WhatsApp below or Email

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Hello, everyone’s, my name is Maria Helena from the United kingdom and I want to use this opportunity to thank Dr Ughulu for helping me to cure my Herpes disease, it has been over 2 years now I had this disease I don’t even know how it got throw me, i have been going to difference hospital just to make sure I get cure and nothing works out for me, until the day I saw a comment online about how someone testify how Dr Ughulu cure her herpes disease and It was so very interesting to me, I really think about it for few minutes before I sent him a message and he said you’re welcome my daughter, he list out what he will buy to work for me and also he said I shouldn’t worried. I will be fine, so I really did the right thing he asked me to do. It didn’t take up to three weeks until I was healed from my herpes disease, I went for a checkup and the doctor told me nothing is wrong with me. Please join me to thank Dr Ughulu. I really appreciate his good work. My God will continue to bless you forever. CALL/TEXT: +1(252) 409-1841 or email: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.c om

Dr.Aba herbal medicine is a good remedy for Herpes, I was a carrier of Herpes before now it was hell living with it until I saw testimony on how .email Dr. Aba cured Herpes and I decided to contact him and he guided me because we talked over the phone. I asked him for solutions and he started the remedy for my health. Thanks to God that now everything is fine, I’m cured by Dr.Aba herbal meds I’m very thankful to him, you contact him through his address on dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or whatsapp his mobile number on 2348107155060.

I want to thank Dr Ughulu for what he has done for me, it has been 1 year and 4 months I have being suffering from HIV disease all because I cheated on my husband I had this HIV disease through the man I had sex with when I was cheating behind my husband, so after I have been suffering from the HIV disease I have spent a lot of money in the hospital just to get a cure and nothing work out for me, one day I was searching something online that I saw a comment about how someone testify Dr Ughulu , so when I saw it and I read it I was afraid to message him but I make up my mind and I sent him a message I explain everything to him, he told me what to do that can cure my HIV disease so I did exactly what he said, it didn’t take up to 2 weeks my HIV disease was totally cured. Then I went for a checkup. The doctor told me I no longer have HIV disease in my body anymore. That was the beginning of my happiness. Thank you so much Dr Ughulu for all you have done for me. You can also contact him through his email: [email protected] or CALL/TEXT: +1(252) 409-1841

I am so happy, i never believe i will be this happy again in life, I was working as an air-hoster ( cabby crew ) for 3years but early this year, i loose my job because of this deadly disease. called Herpes virus (HSV), I never felt sick or have any symptom, till all workers were ask to bring their doctors report, that was how i got tested and i found out that am HSV positive that make me loose my job, because it was consider as an STD and is incurable disease, i was so depress was thinking of committing suicide, till i explain to a friend of mine, who always said to me a problem share is a problem solved, that was how she directed me to Dr Aba, that was how i contacted him and get the medication from this .doctor and i got cured for real, I just went back to my work and they also carry out the test to be real sure and i was negative. Please contact this doctor if you are herpes positive or any STD diseases his email is: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or you can call or whatsApp his mobile number on 2348107155060.

I was diagnosed of genital Herpes 6months ago and was in pain with the knowledge that there is no cure for the virus! there was a day I saw several post about a herbalist how he’s used natural herbal medicine to cure this particular virus, Immediately I contacted him on his website and he prepared and sent me the herbal medicine through DHL delivery and after 14days of usage, the Pain, and sores were gone i went to the hospital for test I’m the happiest woman on earth because I just tested negative to the virus! this testimony is real and thanks to Dr Ehiagwina you can also reach him on his Email: [email protected] or on whatsapp: +2348162084504.

I want to thank Dr Ughulu for what he has done for me, it has been 1 year and 4 months I have being suffering from HIV disease all because I cheated on my husband I had this HIV disease through the man I had sex with when I was cheating behind my husband, so after I have been suffering from the HIV disease I have spent a lot of money in the hospital just to get a cure and nothing work out for me, one day I was searching something online that I saw a comment about how someone testify Dr Ughulu , so when I saw it and I read it I was afraid to message him but I make up my mind and I sent him a message I explain everything to him, he told me what to do that can cure my HIV disease so I did exactly what he said, it didn’t take up to 2 weeks my HIV disease was totally cured. Then I went for a checkup. The doctor told me I no longer have HIV disease in my body anymore. That was the beginning of my happiness. Thank you so much Dr Ughulu for all you have done for me. You can also contact him through his email: [email protected] or CALL/TEXT: +1(252) 409-1841

When my ex left me for another woman after three years, I was heartbroken and desperate. I reached out to PRIEST OSAS, who instructed me on what to do and then cast a love spell. Shortly after 24hrs, my ex began texting me, expressing regret and realizing I was the most important person in his life. We moved in together, and our relationship became stronger and more open. Thanks to PRIEST OSAS, my partner is now stable, faithful, and closer to me. I highly recommend PRIEST OSAS to anyone in need of help.

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Hi everyone I am Emily Naomi wanna give a big thanks to this wonderful psychic for bringing my husband back to me.. I never really believed in magic spells or anything spiritual but a trusted friend opened my eyes to the truth about life. My marriage was heading to divorce a few months ago. I was so confused and devastated with no clue or help on how to prevent it, till I was introduced to this psychic Priest Ray that did a love spell and broke every spiritual distraction from my marriage. A day later my husband started showing me love and care even better than it used to be, he’s ready to talk things through and find ways for us to stay happy. It’s such a miracle that my marriage can be saved so quickly without stress. You can also contact him for help by email [email protected] or WhatsApp: +12133525735

I will forever be grateful and thankful for what Dr Osalu has done for me and my family. I Was having Hepatitis for good three years with no solution, the diseases almost took my life and because I was unable to work and I was also losing lots of-6 money for medication, but one faithful day when I went online, I met lots of testimonies about this great man so I decided to give it a try and to God be the glory he did it. He cured me of my virus and I am so happy and pleased to Write about him today. If you need his help or you also want to get cured just the way I got mine, just email him below [email protected] or WhatApp, +2348078668950  and get your healing. He has cure for other deadly diseases like Diabetes, Hiv/Aids, Hepatitis, and all types and Cancer  his website is https://drosaluherbalhome.wixsite.com/drosaluherbshome  

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.;;

I am amazed by Dr Aba herbal remedy. I Have had herpes for over 6 years with frequent outbreaks. Sometimes average 2-3 times per month. Before one breakout could end, the next would begin. Nothing has helped me. I came online in search for a possible way to see how I can fight this virus so I found Dr Aba here online after seeing a lot of testimonies of how he cured herpes and other diseases with natural herbs so I decided to give it a try, I only took his remedy for two weeks and I was completely cured. I recommend Dr Aba remedy to anyone suffering from herpes that wants to be completely cured too. email: dr.abaherbalhome@ gamil. com and for quick response Message him on his whatsapp number +2348107155060.

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I am excited to share this testimony, I was 3 years ago diagnosed of  Herpes virus . My medical condition was heart broken because it was causing me so many our brakes, I was subjected to different medications by my medical doctor just to control the ourbrakes. Despite my visit to several doctors my health wasn’t getting better, all they could say is for me to stay on the treatment. At the verge of giving up, I went to the internet to search for a treatment on my own at least. But I found a cure instead. In the internet, I read a testimony of a lady who had herpes. She shared an e-mail address of the Doctor. Luckily everything seemed to be okay after I took the Herbal Medicine. I wish I could say that’s the end of it because I haven’t had any symptoms since then.  Do not expose yourself to more danger, use a herbal remedy that is safe and effective. If interested contact him via email address dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com. or call 2348107155060.

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I can’t express my gratitude to Dr Aba for making me a living testimony. i have battled with HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2 for about 7years now, and i have done all i can to make sure i am cured but nothing worked out, but miraculously my friend invited me to see a video on his Blog and as i visited i decided to see few of the comment below, and i found some people talking about Dr Aba, and i decided to contact this great herbal healer to also help me,so i wrote to him, and he replied me back and assure me that i will get a cure for my HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2. and after preparing my medicine he sent it to me and when i started using it for 2weeks i was completely cured, I am assuring you that you will be cured if you also contact this great man on his Email: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or whatsapp is mobile number on 2348107155060.

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Hello I’m very excited to inform everyone that I’m completely cured from my HSV 1&2 recently. I have used Oregano oil, Coconut oil, Acyclovir, Valacyclovir, Famciclovir, and some other products and it’s really helped during my outbreaks, but I totally got cured! from my HSV with a strong and active herbal medicine I ordered from a powerful herbalist and it completely fought the virus from my nervous system and I was tested negative after 14 days of using the herbal medicine I’m here to let y’all know that herpes virus has a complete cure, I got rid of mine with the help of Dr Osalu and his herbal exploit. Contact him via email [email protected] or  WhatsApp +2348078668950   website https://drosaluherbalhome.wixsite.com/drosaluherbshome

Greetings to everyone here online. In 2020 during the time of coronavirus I had HSV1 which I have been looking for a way to cure. I didn’t see any herbal remedy to cure me. I worried both day and night that this disease shouldn’t take away my life at an early age. I did so much research online to cure my HSV1, I couldn’t find anyone who will help me. Exactly the day I went to the hospital to take my covid-19 injection my doctor told me what to write to get a good search online so I can find a herbal spell caster to get me cured. So I really did what the doctor says, so I went home to search for a cure online and I found a spell caster called Dr ughulu who prepared me herbal remedy to cure my HSV1 and covid-19 disease. He did everything within 24 hours. Now if you’re going through all kind of disease contact Dr ughulu phone number here: CALL NUMBER: +1(252) 409-1841 email:[email protected]

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.”

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HOW I WAS CURED FROM HERPES VIRUS I am writing this testimonial with immense gratitude and a renewed sense of hope in my heart. For years, I battled with the physical and emotional torment caused by the herpes virus. It felt like an unending struggle, until I discovered a remarkable solution that changed my life forever. Like many others, I had tried countless remedies, medications in search of a cure. I had lost hope, resigned to the belief that herpes was something I would have to live with indefinitely. However, fate intervened and led me to a breakthrough that altered the course of my life. Upon stumbling on a revolutionary treatment option, my skepticism slowly transformed into a flicker of hope. The treatment was a natural remedy from Dr Awase [ HERBS ] Over time, as I followed the treatment diligently, I started noticing positive changes and I experienced a boost in my overall well-being. I am ecstatic to share that I am now herpes-free confirmed by my Dr after a test was done. The treatment I received was nothing short of miraculous and I couldn’t be more grateful. I have regained my self-confidence and the burden that once weighed heavily upon me has been lifted. I was cured of my herpes virus through natural medication.

If you, like me, have been struggling with herpes and searching for a way out, please know that hope exists. May my story inspire hope in the hearts of those who need it. He also specializes in getting rid of HPV, OVARIAN CYST, PCOS, HEPATITIS and a lot more. Contact on WhatsApp +2349074997110

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.<

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Greetings to everyone here online. In 2020 during the time of coronavirus I had HSV1 which I have been looking for a way to cure. I didn’t see any herbal remedy to cure me. I worried both day and night that this disease shouldn’t take away my life at an early age. I did so much research online to cure my HSV1, I couldn’t find anyone who will help me. Exactly the day I went to the hospital to take my covid-19 injection my doctor told me what to write to get a good search online so I can find a herbal spell caster to get me cured. So I really did what the doctor says, so I went home to search for a cure online and I found a spell caster called Dr ughulu who prepared me herbal remedy to cure my HSV1 and covid-19 disease. He did everything within 24 hours. Now if you’re going through all kind of disease contact Dr ughulu phone number here: CALL NUMBER: +1(252) 409-1841 You can visit his website: https://drughulupowerfulsp.wixsite.com/my-site-ughulu EMAIL:drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks, i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.>

I have been diagnosed of genital Herpes for 3years and lived in pain with the knowledge that I wasn’t going to ever be well again I contacted so many herbal doctors on this issue and wasted a large sum of money but my condition never got better I was determined to get my life back so one day I saw several post about Dr Aba the herbalist how he’s used natural herbal roots and herbs to cure this particular virus. immediately I contacted Aba on his email address dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com we spoke on the issue I told him all that I went through and he told me not to worry everything will be fine again so he prepared the medicine and send it to me through ups delivery including a tree root which he said was very important and told me how to use it.. after 14days of usage the Pain, itching, and sores were gone after about 2months, am the happiest woman on earth now. This testimony is real. Thanks to Dr aba God bless you. you can reach him on his WhatsApp number on +2348107155060

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: dr ughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail. com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

Am so excited to share my testimony of a real spell caster who brought my husband back to me. My husband and I have been married for about 6yrs now. We were happily married with two kids, 3 months ago, I started to notice some strange behavior from him and a few weeks later I found out that my husband is seeing someone else. I became very worried and I needed help. I did all I could to save my marriage but it fail until a friend of mine told me about the wonderful work of Dr Jakuta I contacted him and he assured me that after 24hrs everything will return back to normal, to my greatest surprise my husband came back home and went on his knees was crying begging me for forgiveness I’m so happy right now. Thank you so much Dr Jakuta because ever since then everything has returned back to normal. one message to him today can change your life too for better. you can contact him via WhatsApp +2349161779461 or Email : doctorjakutaspellcaster24@gmail. com

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmai l.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: dr ughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail .com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email address.doctorabdulspellcaster@gmail. com or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256

Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email address.doctorabdulspellcaster@gmail . com or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.,>

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I want to testify to what Dr Ughulu did for me. I did everything I could do to bring my partner back but he didn’t come back he was with someone else luckily I saw a comment which directed me to a very good powerful and kind man called Dr Ughulu that helped me bring my partner back and now he loves me so much more than ever i am so happy with life now thank you so much Dr Ughulu, I really appreciate you for bringing back my partner to me in my life, all these years has been very sad for me, now I have been the most happiest woman on earth all because of what Dr Ughulu has done for me. You can contact through his email: [email protected] or message him on Call/Text number: +1(252) 409-1841

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I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.;,

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I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 ,because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.

AN AMAZING REMEDY FOR HSV 1 & 2. It’s so unbelievable how wonderful herbs can be. when I first saw a post that said that a man have a perfect cure for HSV 1&2, i was like could this be real or some kind of scam but due to my eagerness to be cured I took the risk of contacting him, he gave me reasons to believe he is a real herbalist so I followed all his instructions on how to take the drugs for 14 days and now all my test results shows HSV 1&2 (-) negative , Dr Aba have the most safe cure for herpes and other stubborn virus which are HSV 1&2,STI,STD just name it he has the. cure for them all. Contact him via his personal email address which is dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com . Trust me you will like this method, it’s safe, cheap and easy. Do well to let others know about this.

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.?’

I want to thank Dr Ughulu for what he has done for me, it has been 1 year and 4 months I have being suffering from HIV disease all because I cheated on my husband I had this HIV disease through the man I had sex with when I was cheating behind my husband, so after I have been suffering from the HIV disease I have spent a lot of money in the hospital just to get a cure and nothing work out for me, one day I was searching something online that I saw a comment about how someone testify Dr Ughulu , so when I saw it and I read it I was afraid to message him but I make up my mind and I sent him a message I explain everything to him, he told me what to do that can cure my HIV disease so I did exactly what he said, it didn’t take up to 2 weeks my HIV disease was totally cured. Then I went for a checkup. The doctor told me I no longer have HIV disease in my body anymore. That was the beginning of my happiness. Thank you so much Dr Ughulu for all you have done for me. You can also contact him through his email: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com or CALL/TEXT: +1(252) 409-1841

I am so happy, i never believe i will be this happy again in life, I was working as an air-hoster ( cabby crew ) for 3years but early this year, i loose my job because of this deadly disease. called Herpes virus (HSV), I never felt sick or have any symptom, till all workers were ask to bring their doctors report, that was how i got tested and i found out that am HSV positive that make me loose my job, because it was consider as an STD and is incurable disease, i was so depress was thinking of committing suicide, till i explain to a friend of mine, who always said to me a problem share is a problem solved, that was how she directed me to Dr Aba, that was how i contacted him and get the medication from this doctor and i got cured for real, I just went back to my work and they also carry out the test to be real sure and i was negative. Please contact this doctor if you are herpes positive or any STD diseases his email is: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or you can call or whatsApp his mobile number on 2348107155060..

Great news about Dr ughulu who made me win my Mega millions. All my friends have been telling me about this great man who made them always win their lottery by casting a winning number for them. My friends keep telling me to contact him so I can also win my mega million. Actually I really also text him to help me. Text/Call: +1(252) 409-1841 and I explained to him it’s my friends who Introduced me to him. And I told him the reason I came to his temple and Dr really made me the happiest woman and cast me a mega million winning number, so I really played it and won the prize of $66,000.000 millions dollars. Thank you for making my life possible Dr ughulu. His email: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.c om

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I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.’>

Hello everyone I’m JACK WAGNER, I want to testify of the great and powerful spell caster named Dr. ABDUL who brought back my ex who left me and got engaged to another man, We were happy together then She suddenly changed, She used to call me every morning and night before going to bed but all that stopped when I call her she yell at me and told me she didn’t want to have anything to do with me anymore I was so sad and confused I didn’t know what to do then I went online to search on how to get back my ex then I found an article where someone was talking about how the great and powerful Dr. ABDUL helped him and he left his email address I it and contacted him I told him my problem he only smiled and told me to relax everything will be OK I did everything he asked me to do and he assured me that after 24hrs she will be back, To my greatest surprise the next morning it was my girlfriend she came back kneeling and begging for me to accept her back now we are so happy together now. He can also help you, Email: [email protected] or contact him WhatsApp: +2348108728256

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.?’,

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If you, like me, have been struggling with herpes and searching for a way out, please know that hope exists. May my story inspire hope in the hearts of those who need it. He also specializes in getting rid of HPV, OVARIAN CYST, PCOS, HEPATITIS and a lot more.

Contact on WhatsApp +2349074997110 Email:- dr.awaseherbalhome@gmail. com

HOW I WAS CURED FROM HERPES VIRUS I am writing this testimonial with immense gratitude and a renewed sense of hope in my heart. For years, I battled with the physical and emotional torment caused by the herpes virus. It felt like an unending struggle, until I discovered a remarkable solution that changed my life forever. Like many others, I had tried countless remedies, medications in search of a cure. I had lost hope, resigned to the belief that herpes was something I would have to live with indefinitely. However, fate intervened and led me to a breakthrough that altered the course of my life. Upon stumbling on a revolutionary treatment option, my skepticism slowly transformed into a flicker of hope. The treatment was a natural remedy from Dr Awase [ HERBS ] Over time, as I followed the treatment diligently, I started noticing positive changes and I experienced a boost in my overall well-being. I am ecstatic to share that I am now herpes-free confirmed by my Dr after a test was done. The treatment I received was nothing short of miraculous and I couldn’t be more grateful. I have regained my self-confidence and the burden that once weighed heavily upon me has been lifted. I was cured of my herpes virus through natural medication. If you, like me, have been struggling with herpes and searching for a way out, please know that hope exists. May my story inspire hope in the hearts of those who need it. He also specializes in getting rid of HPV, OVARIAN CYST, PCOS, HEPATITIS and a lot more. Contact on WhatsApp +2349074997110 Email:- dr.awaseherbalhome@gmail. com

Hello everyone my name is Kiara Hahn from California US. I’m here to testify of a great and powerful spell caster called Dr Jakuta. I was so confused and devastated when my fiance left me without a word, I’ve spent the last month crying and feeling guilty. I wasn’t talking to anybody, so one day I search online on love tips because I needed him back desperately and I loved him so much, until I found Dr Jakuta who has solved so many relationship problems then I contacted him and he promised that in less than 72hrs he will come back to me. After I did all he asked, to my greatest surprise my fiance who had refused to speak with me came to my house and asked for forgiveness for all he had made me go through and now we are living happily together, if you have any relationship problem you can contact him Below are his contact details: Email him at [email protected] or WhatsApp +2349161779461

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585..?

AN AMAZING REMEDY FOR HSV 1 & 2. It’s so unbelievable how wonderful herbs can be. when I first saw a post that said that a man have a perfect cure for HSV 1&2, i was like could this be real or some kind of scam but due to my eagerness to be cured I took the risk of contacting him, he gave me reasons to believe he is a real herbalist so I followed all his instructions on how to take the drugs for 14 days and now all my test results shows HSV 1&2 (-) negative , Dr Aba have the most safe cure for herpes and other stubborn virus which are HSV 1&2,STI,STD just name it he has the cure for them all. Contact him via his personal email address which is dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com . Trust me you will like this method, it’s safe, cheap and easy. Do well to let others know about this.

HOW I GOT MY EX BACK WITH THE HELP OF A SPELL CASTER

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I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.?./

I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2, because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.;

EMAIL: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com

Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email [email protected] or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256 REAL LOVE SPELL CAST

Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email [email protected] or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256

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Hello everyone, my name is Kiara Hahn from California. I want to share my story about a powerful spell caster named Dr. Jakuta. I was heartbroken when my fiancé left me without warning, and I spent the last month feeling confused, guilty, and devastated. Desperate for help, I searched online for relationship advice and found Dr. Jakuta, who has helped many people with their relationship problems. I reached out to him, and he promised to bring my fiancé back to me within 72 hours. After following his instructions, my fiancé surprisingly showed up at my doorstep, apologized, and now we’re living happily together again. If you’re having relationship issues, you can contact Dr. Jakuta at:

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I already gave up on ever getting cured of HSV2 because i have try many treatment none of them work out for me i have gone to different hospital they always tell me the same thing there is no cure for herpes, when i came across a post about Dr UMA in the net from a lady called Angela i contacted her and she reassured me with his herbal medicine which i took according to the way he instructed, that how i was cured. I doubted at first because i have been to a whole lot of reputable doctors, tried a lot of medicines but none was able to cure me. so i decided to listen to him and he commenced treatment, and under two weeks i was totally free from Herpes. i want to say a very big thank you to DR UMA for what he has done in my life. feel free to leave him a message on email [email protected] or also Whats-app him +2347035619585.. he also cure all this 1.HIV 2.HIV HPV 3 .ALS 4. BED WETTING DIABETES.’;

I have been diagnosed of genital Herpes for 3years and lived in pain with the knowledge that I wasn’t going to ever be well again I contacted so many herbal doctors on this issue and wasted a large sum of money but my condition never got better I was determined to get my life back so one day I saw several post about Dr Aba the herbalist how he’s used natural herbal roots and herbs to cure this particular virus. immediately I contacted Aba on his email address dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com we spoke on the issue I told him all that I went through and he told me not to worry everything will be fine again so he prepared the medicine and send it to me through ups delivery including a tree root which he said was very important and told me how to use it.. after 14days of usage the Pain, itching, and sores were gone after about 2months, am the happiest woman on earth now. This testimony is real. Thanks to Dr aba God bless you. you can reach him on his WhatsApp number on 2348107155060.

I have taken time out to thank someone who cured me from herpes virus with herbal medicine! It became a major problem for me as it was affecting my daily life as I was no longer comfortable so I decided to look for a solution and I came across several posts about how Dr Excel a herbal man has been helping people on the same problem then I quickly contacted the herbal man and told him my experience with herpes” he told me how to get his product and how to take it, after everything I found out that all was okay with me and that my Herpes problem was gone after testing negative several times, this is why I have come out today to say thanks to him and for others to also believe that there’s cure for herpes. Contact him today on his webpage https://excelherbalcure.com

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AN AMAZING REMEDY FOR HSV 1 & 2. It’s so unbelievable how wonderful herbs can be. when I first saw a post that said that a man have a perfect cure for HSV 1&2, i was like could this be real or some kind of scam but due to my eagerness to be cured I took the risk of contacting him, he gave me reasons to believe he is a real herbalist so I followed all his instructions on how to take the drugs for 14 days and now all my test results shows HSV 1&2 (-) negative , Dr Aba have. the most safe cure for herpes and other stubborn virus which are HSV 1&2,STI,STD just name it he has the cure for them all. Contact him via his personal email address which is dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com . Trust me you will like this method, it’s safe, cheap and easy. Do well to let others know about this.

GREAT NEWS… This testimony is worth sharing to the world. I am here to tell the world of the good works of DR.BALBOSA. My name is Olivia Bolton and I am from the UK.. My man left me and my kids for another older woman. It was not so easy for me…I love my husband so much and I did not lose hope and I kept praying and believing. Finally, my prayers were answered…i searched online for a spell caster to help me unite me and my lover back forever and I saw so many testimonies of how DR.BALBOSA has helped so many people online and I decided to give him a trial…I contacted him and explained to him. He told me not to worry that he will bring back my man within 24 hours. He consulted his powers and assured me not to worry. He did his work and cast the natural spell and to my greatest surprise, my husband came back the same day begging and crying just as DR.BALBOSA said. He begged me for forgiveness and he promised never to leave me for any reason. We are happy and we live together as one. Contact DR.BALBOSA now and be happy forever. dont lose hope and good luck…you can also contact DR.BALBOSA from any part of the world… EMAIL: balbosasolutionhome@gmail. com WEBSITE: https://balbosasolutionhome.com

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulu powerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking ,series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585..

Email: [email protected] WhatsApp : +2349161779461

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.,>

I am so happy, i never believe i will be this happy again in life, I was working as an air-hoster ( cabby crew ) for 3years but early this year, i loose my job because of this deadly disease. called Herpes virus (HSV), I never felt sick or have any symptom, till all workers were ask to bring their doctors report, that was how i got tested and i found out that am HSV positive that make me loose my job, because it was consider as an STD and is incurable disease, i was so depress was thinking of committing suicide, till i explain to a friend of mine, who always said to me a problem share is a problem solved, that was how she directed me to Dr Aba, that was how i contacted him and get the medication from this doctor and i got cured for real, I just went back to my work and they also carry out the test to be real sure and i was .negative. Please contact this doctor if you are herpes positive or any STD diseases his email is: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or you can call or whatsApp his mobile number on 2348107155060.

I have been suffering from Herpes for the past 1 years and 8 months, and ever since then i have been taking series of treatment but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. UMA on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him as well. After our conversation he sent me the medicine which i  took according .to his instructions. When i was done taking the herbal medicine i went for a medical checkup and to my greatest surprise i was cured from Herpes. My heart is so filled with joy. If you are suffering from Herpes or any other disease you can contact Dr. UMA today on this Email address: [email protected] or whatsapp +2347035619585.;.

Email: [email protected] WhatsApp: +2349161779461

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Study Session 1  Human Interactions with the Environment

Introduction.

This Module is about the context and background to water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) in Ethiopia. The WASH sector is concerned with provision of safe water, the separation and management of wastes, and promotion of hygienic practices to improve people’s health and well-being. To understand the context of the WASH sector you need to understand the nature of the interactions between us as human beings and our environment.

Humans need to interact with the environment to obtain our food, water, fuel, medicines, building materials and many other things. Advances in science and technology have helped us to exploit the environment for our benefit, but we have also introduced pollution and caused environmental damage. The impact of environmental problems on humans is significant, affecting all human activities, including health and socio-economic development. In this study session you will learn about the relationships between humans and the environment, and the ways in which we use environmental resources. This study session introduces you to many of the topics that are further developed later in the Module.

Learning Outcomes for Study Session 1

When you have studied this session, you should be able to:

1.1  Define and use correctly all of the key words printed in bold . (SAQs 1.1 and 1.3)

1.2  Describe the relationships between human activities and the environment and explain the importance of creating a better environment. (SAQ 1.2)

1.3  Describe the ways in which humans use natural resources and give examples of problems caused by over-exploitation. (SAQ 1.3)

1.4  Give examples of positive and negative ways in which technology affects the environment. (SAQ 1.4)

1.1  Relationships between human activity and the environment

Our environment means our physical surroundings and the characteristics of the place in which we live. It also refers to the wider natural world of land, sea and atmosphere. Humans have been interacting with their environment since people first walked the Earth. For example, humans have been cutting down forests to clear land to grow crops for centuries and by doing so we have altered the environment. Conversely, the environment affects us in many different ways as well. A simple example is the way we change our clothes in response to cold or hot weather. In this section we will introduce some of the ways in which humans influence their environment and how the environment influences us, both positively and negatively.

A good climate, accessible clean water, fertile soil, etc. are aspects of the physical environment that enable people to live and thrive. However, harsh environments, such as a very hot climate, limited water and infertile land, make it more difficult for people to survive. We are also affected by major environmental events such as earthquakes, floods and drought that damage homes, property and agriculture. These can lead to the displacement of people and can cause injury, loss of life and destruction of livelihoods. They can also damage water sources and pipelines, causing water contamination and spreading waterborne diseases. In Study Session 10 you will learn more about the effects of floods and droughts.

Our relationship with the environment changed with industrialisation, which began in the 18th century in the UK, shortly followed by elsewhere in Europe and North America, and then spreading across the world. Prior to industrialisation, the impacts of human activity were not very significant because the technologies used were not capable of modifying the environment on a large scale. People at that time lived in agricultural societies using hand tools and simple technologies with limited environmental impact (Figure 1.1). Industrialisation has allowed for a greater exploitation of resources. For example, we now use powerful chainsaws to cut down trees and industrially produced chemical fertilisers and pesticides for crop production. These changes have rapidly increased the human impact on the environment.

The links between human activity and the environment are complex and varied, but can be grouped into two main types of activity:

• use of natural resources such as land, food, water, soils, minerals, plants and animals
• production of wastes from a range of activities including agriculture, industry and mining, as well as wastes from our own bodies.

These are described in the following sections.

1.2  Use of natural resources

We use many different types of natural resources in our daily lives. We depend on food and water for survival and we need energy for many different purposes, from domestic cooking through to major industrial processes. Our clothes, transport, buildings, tools and all other items we use require many different resources for their production. Let’s take a simple example. Think about the resources that have been used to produce a notebook of the type you may be using right now as you study this Module. Manufacturing the paper needed raw materials of wood and water as well as energy for the production process. The trees that supplied the wood required soil, water and land to grow on. There may be ink or metal staples or other components in your notebook that were made from other types of resources. Our need for resources is vast and it is growing as the population increases and consumption per person increases with socio-economic progress. Depletion of natural resources by extraction and exploitation is especially of concern for non-renewable resources (see Box 1.1).

Box 1.1  Renewable and non-renewable resources

The resources we use can be classified as renewable or non-renewable. The basic difference between the two is the rate at which they are regenerated back into a usable form, relative to the rate at which they are used by humans. Non-renewable resources cannot be replenished by natural means as quickly as the rate at which they are consumed. They include minerals and fossil fuels such as oil, coal and gas, which are formed over millions of years by natural processes from decayed plants and animals.

Renewable resources are constantly available or regenerated over short timescales by natural processes. Some renewable resources, such as solar energy, are not modified or used up by humans. Others, such as water, are altered when we use them and can be over-exploited or damaged such that the resource is no longer available for use.

Can you suggest some other renewable resources that are replenished naturally but need to be managed properly and not over-exploited?

You may have suggested examples such as wood, animals and plants. For example, trees are cut down to provide wood and they will regrow but they need time to regenerate.

Globally, both population and resource extraction increased by almost 50% in the 25 years from 1980 to 2005 (SERI et al., 2009). Over that time, the world population increased from 4.44 billion in 1980 to 6.49 billion. Figure 1.2 shows how the extraction of natural resources increased between 1980 and 2005 from 40 billion tonnes to 58 billion tonnes. The graph shows the extraction of four types of natural resource: fossil fuels, biomass, metals and minerals. Biomass means biological material derived from living organisms such as crops, livestock, fish, wood, etc. Metals are used in the manufacture of a wide range of goods – from cars to computers. Minerals are used in industrial processes and in construction to build our houses and roads. Both metals and minerals are obtained from rocks that have been mined and are then processed in various ways to extract the valuable resource.

Look at Figure 1.2. What is the pattern of natural resource extraction from 1980 to 2005 and what do you think could be the reason?

Natural resource extraction shows a steady increase from 1980 to 2005, with the greatest amount extracted in the most recent year (2005). The most likely reason is the increase in the global population in this period; more people need more resources. It could also be the case that the amount used by individuals and by wider society is increasing due to changes in behaviour and levels of consumption.

Advances in technology have increased natural resource exploitation by enabling people to reach new resources and to exploit more resources per capita (per person). For example, fishermen who use traditional technologies such as small boats are limited in the number of fish they can catch. Modern industrial fishing fleets use very large ships that cover huge areas of ocean at greater depths to catch many more fish. This can lead to overfishing, which means catching fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce.

Are fish a renewable or non-renewable resource?

Fish are a renewable resource. However, if fishing is not managed properly and more fish are taken from the water than can be replaced naturally, the fishery will fail.

Overfishing and other examples of over-exploitation of natural resources can result in damage to or the loss of entire ecosystems.An ecosystem includes all the living organisms (humans, plants, animals, micro-organisms) and their physical environment (soil, water, air, land) and the interactions between them. If one component of the system is removed, this can have knock-on effects on the other parts of the system.

1.2.1  Deforestation

One particular problem caused by over-exploitation of natural resources is deforestation , which occurs when forest areas are cleared and the trees are not replanted or allowed to regrow. In Ethiopia, clearing land for agriculture to meet the food needs of the growing population and the demand for fuel and construction materials has resulted in a steady loss of forest area, which is still continuing as you can see from Figure 1.3.

The loss of forest has several undesirable consequences. Forests are home to many different types of trees, as well as other plants, and a wide range of animals from insects to birds and mammals. The conversion of forests to agriculture greatly reduces biodiversity , which is a measure of the variety of living organisms (all life forms). Biodiversity is important for humans because we use other living organisms to provide several essentials:

• Food: we use plants and animals such as fish, goats, wheat, rice and maize as sources of food.
• Medicines: many traditional medicines are made from plants and animals and new medicines are developed from them.
• Ecological services: living organisms, especially plants and micro-organisms, play an important role in processes that maintain our lives and environment such as providing oxygen, cleaning the air, purifying water, breaking down wastes and controlling erosion.

Deforestation is a significant contributory cause of soil erosion. Once the trees and undergrowth are removed, the underlying ground is exposed. Without the intercepting effect of the vegetation and the tree roots binding the soil together, the soil is more likely to be washed away when it rains. Loss of forests also has a significant impact on water supply. Tree roots reach deep into the soil and create spaces between the particles which increases soil permeability, allowing rainwater to soak in and replenish groundwater. ( Permeability means the ease with which water moves through soil or rock.)

1.2.2  Energy resources

The use of renewable or non-renewable resources is a critical factor when considering energy resources. Fossil fuels have been the main energy source for global industrialisation, but because they are non-renewable, the quantity is ultimately limited and their use is not sustainable over the long term. Furthermore, burning of fossil fuels is the main cause of climate change. (Climate change is discussed fully in later study sessions.) There are several renewable alternatives to fossil fuels. Wood used as a fuel is renewable in the sense that trees will regrow but there are other disadvantages such as deforestation, as you have read. In Ethiopia, windfarms are harnessing wind power to generate electricity (Figure 1.4) but the most important source of renewable energy in Ethiopia is water. Ethiopia already has several hydropower stations and more are planned, including the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, currently under construction. Hydroelectric power is renewable because it makes use of the energy of flowing water but does not use up the water in the process. Another renewable energy source is solar power, using photovoltaic cells that convert the sun’s energy into electricity.

1.2.3  Water resources

You may have noticed that the four categories of resources shown in Figure 1.2 do not include water, and yet this is one of our most vital resources and is obviously central to the WASH sector. The direct use of water by people falls into three main categories:

• domestic uses, including drinking, washing and cooking
• agricultural uses, principally irrigation
• industrial uses, in manufacturing processes and for energy generation.

The relative proportions of these three categories vary in different parts of the world, but globally the sector using the most water is agriculture (FAO, 2012) (Figure 1.5).

As well as direct use of water for human activities, water is also essential for the environment and to maintain biodiversity. Rivers, lakes and wetlands are important habitats for wildlife and need a minimum amount of water at all times. This becomes a problem when the demand for water for human activities exceeds the supply.

Water is not an endlessly renewable resource. In many parts of the world water demand is significantly above sustainable water supply. Sustainable water supply means there are adequate supplies, in both quality and quantity, to meet the current and future needs of people and of the environment.

Many countries are already experiencing water stress or scarcity. These terms refer to the volume of water available relative to the use and demand for it, which is linked to the population served. Figure 1.6 shows the availability of freshwater across the world. Countries which have less than 1700 m 3 of water per person per year for all purposes are defined as water stressed (United Nations, 2014). Water scarce countries have been defined as those with less than 1000 m 3 of water per person per year. These precise figures should be used with caution, however, because they do not recognise variations between countries and they hide the underlying causes of water scarcity.

Increasing water demand leads to unsustainable use of water resources. By the actions of the water cycle (which you will learn about in Study Session 4) water supply is replenished, but taking excessive amounts of water from rivers and groundwater for domestic, industrial and agricultural use decreases the amount of water available for current and future generations. Globally, water withdrawals have tripled over the last 50 years due to population growth and to increased consumption per person. Many areas with plentiful supplies can sustain this use, but in some countries the future may bring water shortages unless demand is managed.

If the trend for increased consumption continues, what could be the result for Ethiopia?

As you can see from Figure 1.6, Ethiopia is already classed as being under water stress. If consumption increases due to population growth and/or increased use per person, this could put Ethiopia into the water scarcity category.

In practice, for Ethiopia, the problem of water supply is not so much about the volume of water that is available. The problem is the infrastructure and investment required in delivering adequate quantities of safe water to all the people wherever they live. The availability of water and access to a safe supply varies considerably throughout the country and between rural and urban populations.

Case Study 1.1 illustrates the problems that can arise from excessive water use.

Case Study 1.1 Effects of water use on Lake Alemaya

Lake Alemaya in the Ethiopian Highlands has always provided local people with water for drinking and domestic use, for irrigating crops, watering livestock and fishing. In the mid-1980s it was around 8 m deep and covered 4.72 km 2 . However, by 2005 the amount of water in the lake had dropped dramatically (Figure 1.7) and the size of the lake had fallen (UNEP, n.d. 2).

It is believed that changes in water use by local people and changes in the local climate are responsible. The use of domestic water and also water for irrigation (especially for growing khat) has increased significantly. Deforestation of the surrounding area, as land is cleared for farming and to meet an increasing need for wood, means that tree roots no longer hold the soil together and it is washed off the hillsides into the lake. This causes it to silt up and reduces the capacity of the lake. Warming of the local climate may also have had an effect, increasing the rate of evaporation from the lake. Recently, lack of water in the lake has interrupted water supply to Harar, a nearby town of over 100,000 people.

What are the possible causes of the loss of water from Lake Alemaya?

Increased use of water for domestic uses and for irrigation, deforestation leading to soil erosion and silt deposition in the lake, and possibly climate change.

1.3  Production of waste and pollutants

Following on from our use of natural resources, it is inevitable that wastes are produced. For the WASH sector, the most important of these is our own bodily wastes. The impacts of open defecation and inadequate sanitation on human health and on the wider environment are profound. Waterborne diseases are caused by pathogens (disease-causing agents) in water and food that have been contaminated by the wastes from infected people. Preventing this connection between human wastes and the intake of contaminated water is the primary goal of WASH services.

Industry, agriculture and energy production all generate wastes that can pollute air, water and soil. Pollution means the introduction into the environment of substances liable to cause harm to humans and other living organisms. For example, the leather industry produces large amounts of liquid wastes from the tanning process. These wastes contain organic materials such as fat from the hides and toxic (poisonous) chemicals including some human carcinogens (cancer-causing agents). Another example is the release of so-called greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide, which contribute to human-induced climate change. (Pollutants and pollution are the topics of Study Sessions 7 and 8 and climate change is described in more detail in Study Session 9.)

Figure 1.8 summarises the interactions between ‘human activities’ and ‘the environment’. The green arrow indicates the waste generated as a product of this interaction. The red arrows indicate thenegative effect on both the environment and humans if the waste is not properly managed.

1.4  Technology and the environment

Technologies have transformed transport, industry, communications and our lives at home and work. For instance, gadgets such as mobile phones, computers, televisions, microwave ovens and refrigerators have improved living standards for those people who can afford them. Technology can also improve the quality of our environment. For example, energy can be generated from renewable sources such as wind and solar power, which reduces our reliance on non-renewable energy sources such as fossil fuels, and also helps to reduce the release of polluting gases to the atmosphere.

Another example of the benefits from technology is the highly advanced eco-friendly wastewater treatment plant at the St. George Brewery in Addis Ababa. This plant recovers nutrients and waste water from the brewery that would otherwise be released into the environment. This type of technology can help to alleviate the problem of water shortage, prevent surface water pollution and protect the environment.

Although technology has many positive impacts on people and the environment, it also has negative impacts, including the production of toxic waste from technological processes and electronic gadgets that are thrown away when they reach the end of their useful lives, as illustrated in Case Study 1.2.

Case Study 1.2  E-waste in Ethiopia

When electronic equipment or gadgets get old or stop working they are often thrown away. This type of electronic waste is referred to as e-waste . E-wastes pose a huge challenge to the environment because they contain toxic substances such as cadmium and lead from batteries, which leach out and pollute rivers and groundwater. ( Leaching means the substances seep out or are washed out by rain into the soil below.) Toxic substances may get into the soil, making it unfit for agriculture. Copper from wiring is valuable for recycling, but if wiring is burned, it produces very hazardous air pollution.

E-waste is becoming a major problem in many African countries, including Ethiopia, where the use of electrical equipment has increased sharply with the rising number of people on higher incomes. According to a United Nations University report, there are about 4300 tonnes of non-functioning computers, televisions, mobile phones and refrigerators in Ethiopia, mostly in the ten largest cities (Manhart et al., 2013).

As there is no proper e-waste management system in Ethiopia, some e-wastes are disposed of together with other household wastes or dumped in an uncontrolled way that may cause huge environmental problems. Figure 1.9 shows open solid waste disposal sites in Addis Ababa and Bahir Dar close to residential areas. All types of waste, including hazardous waste like heavy metals, are discarded here without any treatment, so toxins can seep into the soil and groundwater. ( Hazardous waste is any waste that contains material that is potentially harmful, for example, toxic, infectious, corrosive, explosive or flammable materials.)

There is one e-waste demanufacturing facility (DMF) in Addis Ababa managed by the government. The DMF collects e-waste from governmental offices, dismantles them manually and sorts the different components to recover valuable metals (Figure 1.10), which is an example of good practice in e-waste disposal.

1.5  Agriculture and environment

Agriculture is very important in Ethiopia to provide essential food crops and as a source of income, contributing about 46% of our country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). About 80% of the labour force in Ethiopia is in the agricultural sector, so it is vital to the livelihoods of the majority of people. However, agriculture also has significant negative impacts on our environment, including loss of biodiversity, pollution, climate change, soil erosion and the use of large amounts of water for irrigation.

What problems do you think are caused by using large amounts of water for agriculture?

This reduces the amount of water available for other human purposes such as drinking and washing, and for sustaining wildlife and maintaining the levels of rivers and lakes.

Agricultural activities are also major sources of water pollution. Pesticides and fertilisers applied to crops may wash into rivers and leach into soil and groundwater. (These effects are discussed in Study Session 8.)

Poor farming practices, especially on steeply sloping land, are a significant cause of soil erosion in Ethiopia because rainfall washes away the soil particles downhill. Each year more than 1.5 billion tons of soil are lost from the Ethiopian highlands (Tamene and Vlek, 2008). This lost soil is not only a problem for agriculture, it silts up rivers and lakes. Soil erosion and loss of soil biodiversity causes a decline in soil fertility and this in turn reduces agricultural productivity. Good agricultural practices, such as the use of terraces and diversion ditches, can help stop soil being lost from hillsides (Figure 1.11).

Agriculture also plays a role in causing climate change through the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. For example, fertilisers added to the soil release nitrous oxide and livestock production releases methane from the digestion process in cattle and the decomposition of manure. The use of fossil fuels to power agricultural machines and burning trees to clear agricultural land both release carbon dioxide. In Study Session 9 you will learn more about climate change and the role of greenhouse gases in changing our climate.

1.6  How we can protect and restore our environment

We end this study session with a positive message. Humans not only affect the environment negatively – we can also contribute positively to sustaining it. When we install wastewater treatment plants, protect endangered species and replant forests, we have a positive impact on our environment. Since 2000, huge efforts have been made in Ethiopia to increase the forest coverage through government and NGO reforestation programmes. More than 700 million trees were planted in 2007 alone (AFP, 2010). Figure 1.12 shows people in Konso, Ethiopia, planting trees to celebrate World Environment Day 2012.In some parts of the country where the reforestation programme has been implemented effectively, the community has already started to benefit from environmental improvements, through effects such as creating more spring water, a higher water table, and less soil erosion and flooding (Rinaudo, 2010).

Summary of Study Session 1

In Study Session 1, you have learned that:

• Humans and the environment have been interacting since humans first walked the Earth. Humans change their environment both positively and negatively and the environment affects how humans live in many different ways.
• The main interactions between humans and our environment can be grouped into the use of resources and the production of wastes.
• Resources can be classified as renewable (e.g. water) or non-renewable (e.g. fossil fuels).
• Humans are extracting increasing quantities of natural resources from the Earth which is causing problems of over-exploitation, for example through overfishing and deforestation.
• Water is used for domestic, industrial and agricultural purposes. Some countries are classed as ‘water stressed’ or ‘water scarce’ because available supply does not meet demand.
• Human activities produce many different types of waste which can pollute the environment. One example is e-waste from discarded electronic gadgets such as mobile phones contain many toxic substances that can pollute groundwater, soil and air unless their disposal is well-managed.
• Agriculture is the dominant economic activity in Ethiopia and has a significant impact on the use of resources, especially water and soil. It also contributes to climate change through the release of greenhouse gases (e.g. methane from cattle) into the atmosphere.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 1

Now that you have completed this study session, you can assess how well you have achieved its Learning Outcomes by answering these questions.

SAQ 1.1 (tests Learning Outcome 1.1)

The Glossary Game: Write down each of the key words printed in bold in this study session. Cut the paper into strips with one word on each strip; fold them and put them into a bowl. Take a strip, read the word and write a definition in your notebook. Then check your definitions with those in the study session.

This game is intended to familiarise you with the terms you will meet again in subsequent study sessions. To find the right answer, you can check the definition written in your own words with that in the study session.

SAQ 1.2 (tests Learning Outcome 1.2)

Which of the following statements are false? In each case explain why it is incorrect.

• A. As a population increases, the amount of natural resource extraction and consumption increases.
• B. Agriculture doesn’t have any negative impacts on the environment.
• C. As a population increases, more waste is produced as a result of increased activity.
• D. The environment influences human beings, both positively and negatively.
• E. The impact of human activity on the environment is always damaging.

B is false. Agricultural activity can have significant negative impacts on our environment, including loss of biodiversity, water contamination, climate change, soil erosion and pollution.

E is also false. Some human activity can prevent damage or repair past damage, for example recovery of hazardous materials from waste and reforestation programmes where many trees are planted. It is important to work towards creating a better environment in order to protect our health, and because environmental improvements such as tree-planting can have many beneficial effects, such as creating more spring water, a higher water table, and less soil erosion and flooding.

SAQ 1.3 (tests Learning Outcomes 1.1 and 1.3)

Explain why biomass resources are classified as renewable. Give two examples of biomass resources that can be over-used despite being renewable. What are the consequences of their over-exploitation?

Biomass resources are derived from living organisms. They are renewable because they are replaced by the continuing processes of growth and reproduction. However, they are vulnerable to over-exploitation if they are used more quickly than they can naturally reproduce and regenerate. Overfishing and deforestation are examples of the over-use of biomass resources. The consequences include loss of biodiversity and loss of income for the people who depend on these resources for their livelihood.

SAQ 1.4 (tests Learning Outcome 1.4)

Imagine you have a colleague who always blames technology for environmental problems. What would you say to your colleague to demonstrate that technology affects the environment in both a positive and a negative manner?

You could start by saying that technology plays an important role in improving the quality of our lives and our environment. For example, we use renewable energy such as wind and solar power to reduce the release of greenhouse gases, and we use high-tech waste treatment plants to protect water sources from pollution. But you would agree that technology can also damage the environment. For example, e-wastes contain many toxic substances that can pollute groundwater, soil and air. So your conclusion is that technology can have both positive and negative environmental impacts.

Copyright © 2016 The Open University

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• Published: 15 September 2020

The SDGs and human well-being: a global analysis of synergies, trade-offs, and regional differences

• Jan-Emmanuel De Neve 1 , 2 &
• Jeffrey D. Sachs 3 , 4  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  15113 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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• Psychology and behaviour
• Sustainability

This paper explores the empirical links between achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and subjective well-being. Globally, we find that in terms of well-being, there are increasing marginal returns to sustainable development. Unpacking the SDGs by looking at how each SDG relates to well-being shows, in most cases, a strong positive correlation. However, SDG12 (responsible production and consumption) and SDG13 (climate action) are negatively correlated with well-being. This suggests that in the short run there may be certain trade-offs to sustainable development, and further heterogeneity is revealed through an analysis of how these relationships play out by region. Variance decomposition methods also suggest large differences in how each SDG contributes to explaining the variance in well-being between countries. These and other empirical insights highlight that more complex and contextualized policy efforts are needed in order to achieve sustainable development while optimising for well-being.

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Introduction.

This paper explores the empirical links between sustainable development and human well-being. Sustainable development is a broad and easily misunderstood concept 1 , but the term first entered mainstream policy circles with the publishing of the Brundtland report in 1987, in which it was defined as ‘development that meets the needs of the current generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ 2 . Debate continues as to whether sustainable development in practice can live up to its normative promises of economic development, environmental stewardship and social equity 3 . Nonetheless, in 2015 the international community rallied around the idea, and sustainable development gained further exposition with the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as part of the broader 2030 Agenda. As the successors to the Millennium Development Goals, the 17 SDGs are a comprehensive set of policy goals that aim to end world poverty and hunger, address climate change and environmental protection, and ensure universal access to healthcare, education and equality 4 .

Parallel discussions have centred around the need to move away from GDP as an assessment of countries’ performance towards measures that better capture levels of happiness and well-being 5 . Subjective well-being measures differ from objective well-being indicators, such as observable health and material outcomes, in that they are based on respondents’ self-evaluations of their own life 6 . Varied research suggests that subjective well-being (SWB) measures, especially life evaluations, reflect underlying well-being 7 . As such, there is now a growing consensus among governments and international institutions that SWB—whilst imperfect 8 —has an important role to play in defining success and, as such, an increasing significance in policy-making 9 .

This research aims to explore the relationship between sustainable development and subjective well-being, with the potential to support future policy-making. To do so, we combine two major data-gathering efforts. We leverage the SDG Index which measures countries’ progress towards achieving the SDGs 10 . We also draw on an item from the Gallup World Poll which is representative of over 98% of the world’s population and asks survey participants to evaluate their lives on a scale of 0–10. The paper begins by discussing the headline positive correlation between the SDG Index and SWB. We analyse the quadratic relationship between the two, demonstrating that a higher SDG Index score correlates more strongly with higher SWB at higher levels of the SDG Index. Globally, we find that there are increasing marginal returns to sustainable development in terms of human well-being. In the next section, the SDG Index is split into its 17 component goals. We analyse the varying relationships with well-being, as well as how these relationships play out by region, finding that two of the environmental goals, Goal 12 (responsible consumption and production) and Goal 13 (climate action), are significantly negatively correlated with SWB. We finish by conducting a variance decomposition analysis to show which goals are most strongly contributing to the variation in well-being between countries and the world’s regions 11 .

Our analysis finds that more complex and contextualised policy efforts are needed in order to simultaneously achieve sustainable development and advance well-being. Human well-being is at the core of the 2030 Agenda 12 : the SDGs aim to ensure that ‘all human beings can fulfil their potential in dignity, equality and in a healthy environment 4 .’ Thus, one might expect to find a positive correlation between the SDGs and SWB. Detailed empirical work, however, shows the relationship to be more nuanced than might first appear. Whilst all SDGs are important, our analysis shows that some are more relevant to well-being than others, and reveals some inherent tensions that involve trade-offs between current and future well-being. Since governments are dependent on the current cohort of electors to decide their fate 13 , more cautious policy is needed to resolve trade-offs, allowing for sustainable development that also optimises for human well-being 14 . Unpacking the SDGs in terms of well-being also shows how their relative importance varies across different regions, highlighting the need for differentiated policy priorities when advancing the 2030 Agenda.

Data and methods

The SDG Index (SDGI) was developed in 2015 as a composite system to benchmark the performance of countries across the SDGs. Several indicators are selected to monitor the progress towards each goal, positioning them between the worst (0) and the target outcome (100). The overall SDGI score represents the mean of a country’s total SDG scores, where all goals are weighted equally. The same basket of indicators is used for all countries to generate comparable scores and rankings. For our analysis we use the 2019 SDG index, which includes 114 indicators covering 162 countries 10 . Note that in our analysis, the SDG Index is modified to remove the SWB score, which is one of the indicators for SDG 3 (Health and Well-being). Given the large number of variables that make up the SDG Index, we find that leaving in or taking out the SWB variable does not meaningfully impact any results. Limitations in collecting data for SDG indicators hinder full assessment of progress towards SDGs. There are also issues with the aggregation of goals into a single number 15 , nonetheless there is consensus that the SDGI provides ‘the most comprehensive picture of national progress on the SDGs’ 16 .

For our analysis we use life evaluations, the standard measure of well-being used in the World Happiness Report rankings and most other research on the topic 17 , 18 . We draw on data from the Gallup World Poll, which continually surveys 160 countries representing about 98% of the world’s adult population. The survey item asks respondents to value their current lives on a 0–10 scale, with the worst possible life as 0 and the best possible life as 10. The data is from nationally representative samples, for the years 2016–2018. Some methodological issues remain with subjective well-being measures 6 , but life evaluations are widely recognised as the standard measure of subjective well-being 7 , 19 . Data on other dimensions of subjective well-being, such as the experience of positive and negative emotions, are analysed separately and can be found in the Supplementary Information section online.

The analyses done in this paper rely on standard univariate linear correlations and OLS regressions. In line with the SDGI methodology, where scores are missing for specific goals, we impute using the regional average to avoid losing observations. This is most relevant for goal 14 (Life below water).

The variance decomposition method (dominance analysis) employed in Figs.  4 , 5 and 6 is run in Stata using the domin command. Dominance analysis calculates the relative contribution to the variance explained in well-being (R-squared) for the 17 SDGs. This is an ensemble method that works by calculating a regression of well-being on every possible combination of the 17 SDGS. The dominance of a goal is calculated as the weighted average marginal contribution to the explained variance that the goal makes across all models in which the goal is included. One important assumption being made in such an analysis is that it forces the SDGs to explain all of the variance in well-being between countries. There are also a number of other important limitations in that the method hinges on there being variance in the first place, and yet the measurements for some SDGs do not vary much.

Are the SDGs conducive to human well-being?

Figure  1 shows the scatterplot for the SDG Index and SWB for all countries in the dataset. Countries are coded to represent the six regions they belong to: Europe, Middle East and Northern Africa, Americas, Sub-Saharan Africa and Former Soviet Union. The G7 and BRICS countries are labelled as well as some of the outlier countries. The SDG Index and SWB have a highly significant correlation coefficient of 0.79. The countries with a higher SDG Index score tend to do better in terms of subjective well-being (SWB)—with the Nordic countries topping both rankings. Interestingly, the line of best fit is not linear but quadratic indicating that a higher SDG Index score correlates more strongly with higher SWB at higher levels of the SDG Index. Thus, sustainable development results in increasing marginal returns to human well-being.

Sustainable development and subjective well-being, a scatterplot for the overall SDGI score (mean of total SDG score, where all goals are weighted equally) and SWB score for all countries in the data set. This scatterplot was produced using matplotlib package (version 3.2.1) in python: https://matplotlib.org .

In the online Supplementary Information section, we show that the quadratic fit is statistically superior compared to a pure linear fit (see Table S1 ). This is also the case for higher-powered models as borne out when applying the Bayesian information criterion and Akaike information criterion to test the relative quality of model fits (see Table  S2 ). As countries become more developed, a higher SDG Index score is associated with an ever higher SWB score. This suggests that economic activity is more important for well-being at lowers levels of economic development. As countries become richer the well-being of their citizens stagnates unless further economic growth is more sustainable by, for example, addressing inequality and improving environmental quality. The notion of increasing marginal returns to sustainable development contrasts starkly with the decreasing marginal returns that are typically observed when mapping well-being onto GDP per capita 20 .

Our measure of SWB is an evaluative measure of well-being and the survey responses may differ from emotional measures of well-being, especially when looked at in relation to economic measures such as income and development. As such, in the Supplementary Information section we also report on the relationship between the SDG Index and measures of emotional well-being (see Figure S1 and Figure  S2 ). The Gallup World Poll includes measures of positive emotions such as “enjoyment” and “smile or laugh” as well as negative emotions such as “worry”, “sadness”, “stress”, and “anger”. Correlating an index of positive emotional experiences with the SDG Index scores leads to a correlation coefficient of 0.27—while statistically significant, this indicates a much weaker empirical link between achieving the SDGs and the experience of positive emotions as compared to life evaluations already examined. This is less the case for an index of negative emotional experiences, for which we obtain a correlation coefficient that is − 0.57 suggesting that countries that are not doing well in terms of the SDGs also tend to have populations that are experiencing more negative emotions. In general, these results are in line with the notion that evaluative measures correlate more strongly with economic measures such as income, development, and inequality than emotional measures of well-being 21 , 22 .

In the Supplementary Information section we list the countries that deviate most from the trend line (see Table  S3 ). The countries significantly above the line of best fit clearly punch above their weight in terms of happiness relative to where the model would expect these countries to be given their scores on the SDG Index, with the reverse being true for those below the line of best fit. These empirical observations indicate that there are a number of aspects that drive human well-being that are not fully captured by the SDGs.

How does each SDG relate to well-being?

In Table  1 we report on how each SDG correlates with well-being both globally and regionally. As expected from the aforementioned general results, we find that at the global level most SDGs correlate strongly and positively with higher well-being. At the same time, we discover much heterogeneity in how some of the SDGs relate to well-being. In fact, we find SDGs 14 (Life below water), 15 (Life on land), and 17 (Partnerships for the goals) to be generally insignificant. Importantly, we find that SDGs 12 (Responsible consumption and production) and 13 (Climate action) are significantly negatively correlated with human well-being.

When looking at the relationship between SDGs and well-being by region we detect further levels of heterogeneity in how individual SDGs relate to well-being in different contexts. It is, however, important to note that considering these data by region reduces the number of observations and therefore both the precision of the coefficient and the statistical power to report significant differences. As Fig.  1 revealed visually, there is a stronger link between the SDG Index and well-being at higher levels of economic development. In Table  1 we indeed find that the general correlation between the SDGs and well-being is considerably lower in regions with mostly developing nations. In fact, only for Europe, Asia, and the Americas do we pick up a strong statistically significant correlation between the SDG Index and well-being. When looking at the SDGs individually, we pick up even more variation in how some SDGs are more strongly correlated than others with well-being. Some noteworthy regional results include (1) the important role of SDG 8 (decent work and economic growth) for countries in the former Soviet Union; (2) the relative importance of SDG 9 (industry, innovation and infrastructure) for nations in Europe and the MENA region; and (3) SDG 10 (reducing inequality) is strongly correlated with well-being for the European nations. These regional correlations need to be taken with due caution given the relatively low number of observations available but, taken together, Table  1 paints a vivid picture of the varied and complex ways in which the SDGs relate to human well-being and how these pathways are highly context specific.

Are there trade-offs between the SDGs and human well-being?

Table  1 reveals that SDG 12 (responsible consumption and production) and SDG 13 (climate action) have, in fact, strong negative correlations with self-reported measures of human well-being. Moreover, these negative correlations appear to hold for each one of the world’s regions and therefore merit more academic and policy attention.

SDG12 aims to ensure responsible consumption and production patterns, in order to prevent the over-extraction and degradation of environmental resources. The indicators underlying SDG12 measure the per capita material footprint of each country, accounting for municipal solid waste (kg/year/capita), E-waste generated (kg/capita), production-based SO 2 emissions (kg/capita), imported SO 2 emissions (kg/capita), nitrogen production footprint (kg/capita), net imported emissions of reactive nitrogen (kg/capita), non-recycled municipal solid waste (MSW in kg/person/year times recycling rate) 10 . Fig.  2 shows the negative correlation between achieving SDG 12 and subjective well-being. It suggests that countries which have a smaller per capita material footprint—and are therefore performing well on SDG12—are associated with lower levels of SWB. Countries like Canada, meanwhile, have a high material footprint and score badly on SDG12 but perform well in terms of SWB. The relationship between countries’ well-being and material footprint may well be explained by economic development, as countries with higher GDPs tend to produce and consume more, which is usually associated with higher living standards. However, as reported in Table  2 , when we control for the general level of economic development, SDG12 continues to correlate negatively with SWB, suggesting that material consumption itself is an important factor explaining this negative correlation. This analysis therefore suggests that advancing on responsible consumption and production may result in a trade-off in terms of average self-reported well-being, at least in the short run. However, it is important to note the handful of countries in the top right-hand corner of Fig.  2 (listed in Supplementary Table S4 online) which run counter to this trend. For example, Costa Rica scores highly in terms of SWB whilst also scoring well on SDG12, suggesting that it is in fact possible to advance human well-being at moderate consumption levels.

Responsible consumption and production (SDG12) and subjective well-being, a scatterplot for SDG12 score and SWB score for all countries in the data set. This scatterplot was produced using matplotlib package (version 3.2.1) in python: https://matplotlib.org .

SDG 13 asks that countries take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts by curbing emissions. It measures countries’ energy-related CO 2 emissions per capita (tCO 2 /capita), imported CO 2 emissions, technology adjusted (tCO 2 /capita), people affected by climate-related disasters (per 100,000 population), CO 2 emissions embodied in fossil fuel exports (kg/capita), effective carbon rate from all non-road energy, excluding emissions from biomass (€/tCO 2 ) 10 . In general, countries that have lower emissions—and are therefore performing well on SDG13—tend to have lower levels of subjective well-being. As was the case with SDG 12, countries that are more economically developed tend to pollute more while also having higher well-being. In contrast with SDG12, however, we find that accounting for the general level of economic development turns a negative correlation into an insignificant one as reported in Table  2 . This suggests that the underlying measures for climate action are strongly correlated with the level of economic development in the first place which, in turn, drives the relationship with well-being. Again, there are a handful of countries in the top right of Fig.  3 (listed in Supplementary Table S5 online), which appear to be resolving the trade-off, performing well on SDG13 whilst maintaining high levels of SWB.

Climate action (SDG13) and subjective well-being, a scatterplot for SDG13 score and SWB score for all countries in the data set. This scatterplot was produced using matplotlib package (version 3.2.1) in python: https://matplotlib.org .

Variance decomposition analysis of the SDGs in relation to well-being

In this section, we apply variance decomposition to explore the relative importance of each SDG in explaining the variance in well-being between countries. This method, called “dominance analysis”, investigates the relative contribution to the variance explained in well-being (R 2 ) for a given set of predictors—in this case the 17 SDGs 11 .

Figure  4 presents the results of the variance decomposition and suggests large differences in how each SDG contributes to explaining the variance in well-being between countries. This figure paints a picture that aligns closely with the correlation coefficients reported in Table  1 . SDGs 10, 14, 15 and 17 would appear to contribute negligibly to explaining variation in well-being across the globe. On the other hand, the greatest explanatory power seems to lie with SDGs 3, 8, 9, and 12. SDG 8 (decent work and economic growth), SDG 9 (industry, innovation and infrastructure), and SDG 12 (responsible consumption and production) each explain 10% or more of the variance. It is important to note, of course, that SDG 12 (as well as SDG 13) are negatively correlated with well-being, as was shown earlier on in Table  1 .

Relative importance of SDGs in explaining the variance in subjective well-being between countries.

Variance decomposition analysis of regional SDG groups in relation to well-being

In these analyses, we group the SDGs into Economic (4, 8, 9), Social (1, 5, 10), Health (3), Law (16), and Environmental goals (2, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15). Figure  5 first shows the results for how well these SDG groups explain the variance between all countries. In Fig.  6 we show the results by region. The general takeaway from the regional variance decomposition analyses is that there is much regional heterogeneity hidden behind a global analysis, with the regional context driving which SDGs are most important in explaining the variance in well-being between countries in the region. In Europe (N = 33), and especially in the countries of the former Soviet Union (N = 15), we find the great importance of the Economic SDGs in explaining regional variation in well-being. In Asia (N = 23) we find a fairly balanced role for the Economic, Law, Social, and Health SDG groups in explaining regional differences in well-being. In the Americas (N = 23) we find that Health plays the most important role in driving regional variation in well-being. The results for Sub-Saharan Africa (N = 38) point towards the Social SDGs playing the key role in explaining regional differences. For the countries in the MENA region (N = 17) we find a more balanced picture with the Health and Economic SDGs driving most of the variation, but an important role as well for the Social, Law, and Environmental SDGs.

Relative importance of SDG groups in explaining the variance in subjective well-being between countries.

Relative importance of SDG groups in explaining regional subjective well-being variance.

This paper has studied the empirical relationship between the Sustainable Development Goals and subjective well-being using data from the SDG Index and the Gallup World Poll. We find a strong correlation between achieving sustainable development and self-reported measures of well-being. Moreover, our analyses indicate that there are increasing marginal returns to sustainable development in terms of well-being.

While most SDGs are positively correlated with well-being, our analysis reveals that SDG12 (responsible consumption and production) and SDG13 (climate action) are negatively correlated with SWB 23 . These findings are perhaps unsurprising: the world economy has long relied on economic growth and the consumption of natural resources to generate human welfare at the expense of environmental sustainability 3 , 24 . Today, however, it is increasingly clear that if we are to avoid ecological collapse, we must bring our consumption of natural and material resources within ecological limits 25 , 26 . This transformation is captured by SDG12 and SDG13; it will involve real reductions in emissions, and quantitative as well as qualitative changes to consumption and production patterns 27 . In particular, high income countries must reduce their ecological footprint to allow for increased consumption in economically developing countries, where it is necessary for meeting basic needs 23 , 28 . This is not an easy task given that our growth-driven economic system is reliant on ever-increasing consumption and production to provide employment and support livelihoods 29 . Thus, under current structures, advancing on SDG12 and SDG13 could have serious socio-economic consequences and, as such, negatively impact well-being levels, particularly those of the most vulnerable 27 . Given that lowering well-being erodes support for incumbent governments, this makes such policies even more difficult to implement 13 . More cautious policies are therefore needed to ensure that progress towards SDG12 and SDG13 also safeguards livelihoods and well-being 30 , 31 .

Nevertheless, environmental stewardship does not necessarily entail reductions in well-being. Varied research has shown the importance of environmental integrity for human well-being: for instance, subjective well-being is negatively influenced by poor air quality 32 ; people are willing to pay for observably cleaner air 33 ; and there is evidence to suggest that being exposed to nature improves mental health 34 . Furthermore, as we have shown elsewhere there is a strong positive correlation between SWB and the Environmental Protection Indicator (a measure which is much wider in scope than the environmentally-oriented SDGs, covering a broad range of issues such as biodiversity and eco-systems, climate and energy, air pollution, water resources, agriculture, heavy metals, water and sanitation, and air quality) 35 . These research insights indicate that well-being is correlated with the long-term outcomes of environmental policies, even if it is not necessarily positively correlated with the short-run efforts required of such policies.

The challenge for policy-makers is thus to resolve the short-term trade-off by de-coupling human well-being improvements from the consumption of natural resources and GHG emissions 36 . A recent report by the OECD attempts to address this challenge by proposing climate change mitigation through a well-being lens, putting people at the centre of climate action 37 . The outlier countries highlighted in our analysis (see Supplementary Table S4 and S5 online) that are performing well on SDG12 and SDG13, whilst also achieving high levels of well-being, indicate that there might be pathways to improving well-being that do not hinder environmental sustainability 38 , 39 . These countries represent a proportional mix of relatively large and small countries across the world. For example, Germany has invested heavily in renewable energy infrastructure 40 , providing ‘green jobs’ while simultaneously reducing emissions. The combination of carbon taxes and incentives for renewable energy, combined with ambitious social policy, has allowed the Nordic countries to transition away from fossil fuels, without punishing low-income families with higher energy bills 41 , 42 . Equally, Costa Rica is among the top countries for investment in new renewable power and fuels relative to GDP, and has committed to achieving carbon neutrality starting from 2021 43 . It thus offers an alternative model for developing countries to avoid the Western carbon-intensive development path 44 . Interestingly, many Latin American countries with warmer climates and a lower propensity to engage in international trade 36 perform strongly in terms of self-reported well-being whilst also scoring highly in terms of SDG12 (sustainable consumption and production), supporting the notion that human well-being decouples from environmental impact beyond minimum levels of consumption 39 . More research is needed to better understand the development trajectories of these countries and the policy mechanisms which allow for synergies between well-being and ecological sustainability 36 . Policies such as investment in public services to moderate private consumption 27 and harnessing productivity gains to reduce working hours 45 have been proposed. There is also increasing evidence from sustainable cities that supports the notion that it is possible to mitigate environmental issues and simultaneously improve quality of life 46 .

Trade-offs between the SDGs and SWB can also arise as a result of interactions between different SDGs. In particular, SDGs 11, 13, 14, 16, and 17 continue to have negative trade-offs and non-associations with other SDGs 47 . The highly positive links we identified between goals 11 and 16 and human well-being may possibly compensate for these intra-SDG trade-offs, but policy-makers may find pursuing SDGs 13, 14, and 17 more difficult due to the negative or insignificant correlation with the well-being of current generations. Needless to say, however, that the urgency of climate change does require action to ensure the well-being of future generations 48 , 49 .

Regional analyses have revealed that what accounts for human well-being varies greatly according to regional and socio-economic context; policy efforts must therefore be differentiated. For example, we find that while in Europe reducing inequalities significantly contributes to well-being, poverty reduction is more important in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings complement a recent study of SDG interactions, which finds poverty alleviation in low-income countries and reducing inequalities in high-income countries to have compounded positive effects on all SDGs 50 , thus helping to support the prioritization of these SDGs according to region. Our findings confirm that general analyses often hide important heterogeneity; moreover, we recognise that the picture becomes even more nuanced at the local level, which is increasingly the site where sustainable development policy is implemented 51 . Importing policy models or ‘best practices’ from elsewhere without a deep understanding of the local context can often obscure effective policy-making on sustainable development issues 52 . As explored in the policy mobilities literature, there is often a mismatch between local governance structures and top-down frameworks like the SDGs which can hinder the overall success of such agendas 53 . Where policies are too insensitive to specific local variations, the goals of sustainable development can be squandered. Therefore, a more comprehensive understanding of how the SDGs can be implemented at the local level is critical 54 in order to advance the 2030 agenda such that both people and planet can thrive.

Our analysis is of course limited by data gaps for several SDG indicators, we therefore emphasize the need for increased transparency and co-operation from governments. Regional analyses are limited by the relatively low number of observations available. It is also important to reiterate that variance decomposition analyses are constrained by their methods and the number of observations. As such, these results are meant to be seen as cautious exploration of large-scale trends that are correlational in nature and thus open to potential reverse causality and omitted variable bias. Our aim here is to stimulate thinking and further research on how the SDGs relate to human well-being—and to show that general analyses may hide important heterogeneity when looking at individual SDGs and in the context of different regions. We recognize that in addition to the macro-level statistical analysis conducted here, more research and careful qualitative analysis is needed to understand local complexities and how they interact with the SDG framework.

We have studied the link between the SDGs and SWB of current generations. Future research should investigate the extent to which self-reported SWB metrics account for the well-being of future generations. This is especially relevant when considering SDG 12 (responsible consumption and production) and SDG 13 (climate policy). Implementing these policies requires intergenerational reciprocity, the idea that we must act on the behalf of future generations, which has in turn been shown to depend on the behavior of previous generations 55 . This work also does not address international dynamics. The sustainable development of a country may come at a cost to other countries, or the actions of countries may influence the well-being in others 56 . Furthermore, the model of linking SDGs with well-being assumes only direct relationships, whereas recent work shows that addressing SDGs have knock-on effects for other SDGs 57 .

A potential dynamic that is worthwhile highlighting is the extent to which the well-being of populations may itself exert influence on their country’s approach to development. Changes in well-being have been documented to have wide-ranging effects on economic, social, and health outcomes 58 . Given these objective benefits of subjective well-being there is an urgent need to combine the SDG and SWB research and policy agendas to generate solutions that advance human well-being, without compromising the environmental integrity of our planet.

Data availability

Data from the SDG index is freely available and can be downloaded from www.sdgindex.org . The Gallup World Poll data is not freely available however the data used in this analysis is made available in the online appendix for the World Happiness Report from https://worldhappiness.report .

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Acknowledgements

This article builds on work done for a chapter published in the World Happiness Report 2020 and reproduces some material from that chapter. We are grateful to Sidharth Bhushan, Hedda Roberts, and Pekka Vuorenlehto for outstanding research assistance. We thank Guillaume Lafortune and Grayson Fuller at the Sustainable Development Solutions Network for guidance on the SDG Index data. The Gallup World Poll data is generously made available by The Gallup Organization. We also acknowledge very helpful comments from John Helliwell, Richard Layard, Andrew Oswald, Steve Bond, Tyler VanderWeele, and participants at seminar meetings of the Wellbeing Research Centre at Oxford.

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De Neve, JE., Sachs, J.D. The SDGs and human well-being: a global analysis of synergies, trade-offs, and regional differences. Sci Rep 10 , 15113 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-71916-9

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Article Contents

Introduction, frame 1—environmental burden of illness, frame 2—conditions for human well-being, frame 3—human core values, directions for action.

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Links between humans and ecosystems: the implications of framing for health promotion strategies

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Donald C. Cole, John Eyles, Brian L. Gibson, Nancy Ross, Links between humans and ecosystems: the implications of framing for health promotion strategies, Health Promotion International , Volume 14, Issue 1, March 1999, Pages 65–72, https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/14.1.65

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To explore potential links between ecosystems and human health, we set out three ways of seeing or frames: environmental hazards and burden of illness; ecosystem conditions and human well-being; and environmental justice and human core values. Each frame provides a basis for making connections but also poses certain challenges: expanding research methods, linking with other conditions of human well-being and clarifying value bases. We discuss actions which build on the strengths of the different frames to deal with the challenges: linking with those seeking greater ecosystem protection, focusing on clean production strategies, emphasizing environmental degradation as one aspect of social justice and building on concerns such as reproduction which are closer to human core values. Health promotion practitioners and policy makers can flexibly use the frames in arguing for the betterment of both ecosystems and humans.

Over the last decade, health promotion practitioners have increasingly been asked to think about the relationships between humans and the environment in terms of ecosystems ( CPHA, 1992 ; Brown, 1994 ) and to adopt an ‘ecological’ approach to health promotion ( Kickbusch, 1989 ) with the environment an integral part of human development ( Hancock, 1993a ). Such exhortations are driven by an awareness of planetary changes such as stratospheric ozone depletion and global warming with the potential to exert powerful effects upon human life as we know it ( Last, 1993 ; McMichael, 1994 ). At the same time, environmental scientists have moved to consider the ‘health’ of ecosystems ( Rapport, 1989 ) and organizations responsible for environmental management have reached out to include human health as part of ‘ecosystem health’ ( IJC, 1991 ). The Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment ( CCME, 1994 ) describes adopting an ecosystem approach as ‘viewing the basic components (air, land, water and biota—including humans) and functions of ecosystems in a broad context, integrating environmental, social and economic concerns.’ (p. 3) This explicit inclusion of humans in ecosystems especially with respect to the health of both, argues most forcefully for a demonstration of its relevance to healthy public policy and practice.

Yet there is not just one way to demonstrate its relevance. There are a diversity of perspectives. How then can the links between the health of humans and ecosystems best be seen or framed to influence policy? We use the term ‘frame’ ( Goffman, 1974 ; Schon and Rein, 1994 ) to be understood as a way of seeing issues in terms of overarching themes in which are embedded key assumptions about the ways that the world operates and how its parts are connected. Are there consequences for the use of different frames to link humans and ecosystem? If we uncritically adopt an ‘ecosystem’ perspective, do we subsume a mix of approaches which may have contradictory policy directions, as has occurred with ‘environmentalism’ ( Tesh, 1994 )?

The purpose of this paper is to examine three frames which link ecosystems and humans and comment on their significance for health promotion and public health practice. First, ecosystems can be seen as the source of potentially hazardous exposures causing adverse human health outcomes, an ‘environmental burden of illness’. Second, ecosystems can be posed as a fundamental condition for human well-being through concepts such as sustainability or broader determinants of health perspectives. Finally, ecosystems may be valued by humans similar to other life-domains and social purposes such as equity and social justice. As a metaphor (i.e. linguistic phenomenon where words normally associated with one object are applied to another), ‘ecosystem health’ has the potential to mobilize scientists, practitioners and publics by seeing relationships at the level of values. Given the metaphoric significance of the term ‘health’, it is important to recognize the particular frame being used in a particular context.

Framing the links between humans and ecosystems in any one of these ways poses challenges which must be faced. Methodological difficulties arise in demonstrating an environmental burden of illness in situations of low level exposure. Framing the relationship as a determinant of health may result in ‘competition’ with advocates of other determinants of health, especially life-style and socio-economic influences on health. With core values as the frame, simultaneous appeals to both altruism (‘favoring’ ecosystems) and self-interest (‘favoring’ humans) may be perceived as contradictory. Differential emphasis on one frame may have repercussions for strategic alliances and policies aimed at promoting the public's health. We urge greater awareness of the strengths and limitations of each frame. We conclude by suggesting ways of building on all three to promote the well-being of both ecosystems and humans.

From the perspective of toxicology, microbiology and epidemiology, ecosystems can be viewed as sources of exposures (outside humans), which result in a measurable (e.g. via environmental epidemiology) or an estimable (e.g. via risk assessment or simulation modelling) burden of human disease or other health impairment. This frame is exemplified by the classic concern about ‘safety’. Examples of the use of this frame include the work of the WHO Commission on Health and Environment ( WHO, 1992 ), that took a predominantly media-based approach, and ‘A Vital Link’ ( Health and Welfare Canada, 1992 ), which was structured around various exposures and health problems.

The readily ascertainable human health impacts of exposures are currently most apparent in areas of the former Soviet Union. Although not documented with the precision customarily expected among Western health scientists, numerous health service, municipal and press reports in the 1980s cited gross exceedances of air pollution standards with widespread effects on respiratory health, particularly among children ( Feshbach and Friendly, 1992 ). Massive reductions in available water along with increased water and soil contamination in entire ecological regions such as the Aral Sea have been implicated in excessive morbidity and rising infant mortality ( Glazovsky, 1995 ). In such ‘regions at risk’, a full range of environmental, social, demographic and medical care factors are likely important but within them, physical environmental factors remain as one important set of contributors to overall morbidity and mortality ( Hertzman, 1995 ).

In the low level exposure situations more common in western Europe, Australia and North America, documenting environmental burden of illness is more challenging. For sites contaminated with toxic chemicals, the wide variety of exposures and the multifactorial causes of human illness make the usual epidemiological tools exceedingly difficult to apply ( Frank et al ., 1988 ). Techniques beyond those adopted in classical epidemiology are required. Sophisticated statistical modelling based on large populations has been used to demonstrate the impacts of current levels of ambient air pollution to respiratory health outcomes ( Burnett et al ., 1994 ). A synthesis report out of a State of the [Great] Lakes Ecosystem Conference, includes an extensive discussion of contaminant exposure trends, the use of biomarkers of exposure and biological effect, and an array of adverse health effects which have been linked in a broad variety of ways to exposures in the Great Lakes Basin (e.g. neurotoxicity of methyl mercury) ( Tremblay and Riedel, 1996 ).

Risk assessment is one method that has been developed to estimate burden of illness in such situations. The United States Environmental Protection Agency's Great Lakes Basin Risk Characterization Study ( US EPA, 1992 ) used environmental data on loadings to various media, contaminant levels in those media and dose–response relationships from toxicological studies as inputs to risk assessments. For example, it calculated the likely excess cancer risk due to ingestion of fish contaminated by persistent organochlorines (PCBs and DDT). Similarly, for the Mediterranean basin, estimates have been made of the number of cases of gastrointestinal infections attributed to microbiological pollution of bathing water ( Bertollini et al ., 1996 ). The use of this frame argues for a careful collection of appraised evidence by established scientific procedures so that attribution may be determined. Health promotion practices based on such a frame follow the guidelines set for establishing proof—a cautious, incremental, but evidentiary approach.

Yet for global changes in climate systems, such narrowly defined exposure health–outcome relationships must be placed within the context of global changes occurring in weather systems, ecology of disease vectors and human population movements ( Epstein, 1995 ). The struggle to adapt methods to the complex task of determining the likely environmental burden of human illness where multiple levels and facets of ecosystems must be considered has been noted by leading epidemiologists ( Last, 1993 ). Groundbreaking work on effects of climate change has drawn on epidemiology of known specific relationships (e.g. heat waves and mortality) as well as interfacing with meteorological models still under development (McMichael, 1996). Such syntheses argue for determination of environmental hazards and an environmental burden of illness in a fashion which draws on a range of disciplinary, quantitative approaches which permit handling of uncertainty in a systematic way without paralyzing decision making. At the same time, they open the way to being concerned about shifts in the environmental conditions for human well-being.

Insofar as ecological systems or human activities in such systems enhance or degrade human well-being, they may affect human health. To quote the Ottawa Charter: ‘the fundamental conditions and resources for health are peace, shelter, education, food, income, a stable ecosystem, sustainable resources, social justice and equity’ ( WHO, 1986 ). Difficulties abound in defining a stable or ‘healthy’ ecosystem ( Haskell et al ., 1992 ; Rapport, 1995 ). An examination of critical regions throughout the world indicated a range of factors which may cause degradation of the physical environment, social systems and human well-being (Kasperson, 1995). Interactions between fundamental conditions for human well-being—income, education, lifestyle, place of residence—also take place. Witness the role of inequities in resource access, decreases in the quality and quantity of renewable resources and population growth in bringing about increasing conflict in different parts of the world (Homer-Dixon, 1993).

A ‘stable ecosystem’ is thus a condition and resource for human health and well-being. Well-being is primarily a social notion which has been utilized in health promotion to promote positive conceptions of health and living. Such ideas have been incorporated in Evans and Stoddart's work (1990) where social and physical environments are deemed important in producing health. ‘Environments’ become one of the determinants of health within a broad framework of ‘healthy public policy’, as exemplified by the work of the Ontario Premier's Council on Health, Well-Being and Social Justice (1993) in its report Our Environment Our Health: Healthy Ecosystems, Healthy Communities, Healthy Workplaces . This orientation is in keeping with the general thrust of health promotion practitioners who argue for the similarity between the goals aiming at health and at sustainability ( Labonte, 1991a ; Brown, 1994 ).

A particular use of this frame may be seen in the healthy communities movement. Among the 11 parameters of a ‘healthy city’, the first is a clean, safe, high quality physical environment (relating as much to frame 1) and the second is explicitly stated as a stable ecosystem, sustainable in the long term (more related to frame 2) ( Hancock, 1993b ). The healthy communities movement has worked towards the development of indicators of sustainability which include measures of ecosystems and the environment ( McPhedran and Salsberg, 1993 ). ‘Healthy’ cities, ‘healthy’ public policy and ‘healthy’ ecosystems all share a similar use of language based on the root metaphor of ‘health’, which transcends traditional notions of causal linkage and encompasses so much of what we feel about ourselves in the world. Such metaphorical use of ‘health’ has been successful in expanding the range of determinants of health to include ‘ecosystem’.

Yet disentangling the role of ‘ecosystem’ effects from those of dysfunctional social and economic systems coexistent with them may be difficult. Indeed the use of this frame points to the complex questions posed by a determinants of health approach and the complex policy solutions required as good health is seen as the products of industrial behaviours and health, social, economic and environmental policy. For example, unemployment may be difficult to link to ecosystem changes in the minds of those who allocate resources between different social purposes, including ‘restoring’ ecosystems. A potential danger is that too dramatic an emphasis on ‘ecosystem health’ may rebound as people, who are preoccupied with more direct human needs of jobs and shelter, ignore or eventually become desensitized to apocalyptic versions of ecological catastrophe. ‘Eco-alarmism’ creates great uncertainty but few policy solutions ( Mol and Spaargen, 1993 ), so that people become certain about uncertainty and get on with their lives, irrespective of ecosystem resilience ( Roe, 1994 ).

More constructive is the increasing movement towards pollution prevention and clean production, a fundamental strategy for health protection and promotion practitioners. The goal of the clean production is essentially ‘the same as the goal of sustainable development: production processes, product cycles and consumption patterns which allow for human development, and the provision of basic needs, without degrading and disrupting the ecosystems within which that development must occur’ ( Jackson, 1993 ). Jobs and environment should not be antagonistic in the long term according to clean production strategists and an increasing number of popular writers who seek to explore, creatively, alternative ways of living ( Roberts, 1995 ). Such changed ways of meeting the range of conditions for human well-being, including ecological, necessarily leads us into a discussion of values.

Environmentalism—valuing the environment in its own right—became an important value in the mid- to late 1980s in Canada. Using Gallup Canada polls ( Bakvis and Nevitte, 1992 ) note its rise from nowhere to great significance in 1988 and 1989, such that over two-thirds of polled Canadians were very concerned about the environment. The values expressed in environmental concern have been attributed to a variety of sources. Some build on ecological notions and include ‘the land ethic’, which emphasizes the welfare of non-human species ( Heberlein, 1972 ) or of the biosphere itself, as in deep ecology ( Devall and Sessions, 1985 ). Historic campaigns to protect species such as seals advance a biocentric perspective based on cross-species altruism ( Bell, 1994 ). Philosophers have used notions of ‘altruism’ to explain intentions to ameliorate environmental problems ( Black, 1985 ). As Stern et al . (1993) explain, ‘altruism suggests that pro-environmental behaviour becomes more probable when an individual is aware of harmful consequences to others from a state of the environment and when that person ascribes responsibility to her/himself for changing the offending environmental condition’.

Inherent in appeals to values are problems of competing values and priorities. For example, environment dropped behind six other issues (education, debt and deficit, child poverty, unemployment, job creation and crime and justice) as priorities for federal government action by the mid-1990s among Canadians ( Globe and Mail, 1995 ). Those prioritizing jobs and employment strategies in their values may not favour the environment, while those emphasizing care and personal safety may see the ecosystem as irrelevant to them. Emphasis on other aspects of human life more likely to be valued by people may be important to link with the environment. For example, despite warnings by biological scientists for many years of ongoing decline in fish populations on Canada's east coast, the resulting widespread unemployment and mental suffering in coastal fishing communities was likely the trigger to implementation of control measures which protected fish, the ecosystems of which they are a part, and the people who depend on both.

The last decades have seen examples of individuals and communities deeply engaged in struggles over the environment or ecosystem, often when they feel threatened. Edelstein (1988) in his work on contaminated communities— in which feelings of being stigmatized (as an outsider to the general pursuit of life in a society) dominate—makes the useful distinction between lifestyle and lifescape. Lifestyle refers to people's way of living, lifescape to our fundamental understandings about what to expect from the world around us—our social paradigm. When lifescape is threatened, core values are threatened. Core values can be understood as those closest to our sense of ourselves and the way we would like the world to be ( Sabatier, 1987 ). They are what we protect and promote. If this frame is adapted, as in the healthy communities movement, healthy public policy must resonate with hopes and aspirations often couched in terms of health and well-being. Other research suggests that threats to core values include those things that indicate threats to one's future—children's health, property values, fear of unknown, latent health effects ( Eyles et al ., 1993 ). In democratic societies, maldistribution of access to secure ways of life for protecting and promoting core values raises ethical concerns. These relate to notions of environmental justice, where disadvantaged communities differentially experience a range of threats ( Bullard, 1990 ) and a fundamental lack of security, often leading to poorer health. The use of this frame thus raises ethical issues concerning resource distributions, allocations of power and the nature of the social order. It is the most explicitly political of all the frames in its drawing on social justice roots and applying to healthy public policies.

So how can the three frames or ways of seeing assist practitioners and policy makers in promoting human health in supportive ecosystems? The first frame seems most closely associated with a range of risk management and health protection approaches (see Table 1 ). The second is exemplified in the movement towards supportive environments and sustainable collective lifestyles conducive to health. The third leads to discussions of healthy public policies and public health ethics.

Those most involved in legislative and health protection activities would be wise to make strategic alliances with those seeking greater environmental or ecosystem protection. While in North America, those arguing for toxics use reduction may find themselves in uphill battles; conditions in the former Soviet Union are sufficiently severe that greater energy efficiency and reductions in emissions are being incorporated into economic development plans at the behest of large donors such as the World Bank, which see restoration of ecosystems and human health as essential to economic revival ( Hertzman, 1995 ). Given the global dispersion of both air and water pollutants, any reductions in emissions achieved should result in improvements throughout the world (McMicheal et al ., 1996).

For those working to promote sustainable collective lifestyles, the fact that other more easily studied determinants of health and well-being (e.g. cigarette smoking, poverty) continue to attract greater attention from public health policy makers than ‘ecosystem’ factors ( Schabas, 1994 ), is not necessarily inappropriate. Increasing awareness of the links between social justice and environmental degradation ( Bullard, 1990 ; Goldman, 1993 ) mean that dealing with inequity is fundamental to reducing impacts on both ecosystems and humans. The coexistence of a range of detrimental determinants of health is a frequent experience for health promotion practitioners working with inner-city communities. The range of activities seen as improving health in communities also points to the significance and utility of a determinants of health framework ( Hancock, 1993b ).

If respect for ecosystems is not yet a widely held core value, then additional policy-relevant information may work first to change secondary ‘beliefs’ about the relationships between ecosystems and human health ( Sabatier, 1987 ; Colborn et al ., 1996 ). At the very least, it is important to recognize the value orientation present in health promotion practice ( Labonte, 1991b ). Core values act as filters for the incorporation of any new knowledge, so we must also advance the creation and dissemination of information on those areas most closely linked to core values. An example might be the area of human reproduction, for which empirical links between human health and ecosystem contaminants are as yet limited but over which there exists considerable public concern. Such concern has already fuelled the organization of environmental campaigns and the funding of more toxicological and epidemiological research in this area. It could also provide the impetus for further cleanups of ecosystems and toxics use reduction backed up by weight of the evidence arguments ( Colborn et al ., 1996 ).

As in many areas of health promotion, practitioners may draw on all three frames. Involvement in health promotion processes such as Healthy Community initiatives, participation in networks which include natural scientists and joint advocacy for improving the status of ecosystems and humans are all options ( CPHA, 1992 ). When we argue for the appreciation of different ways of seeing, we must remain sensitive to areas of uncertainty due to limitations of quantitative methods, to perceived trade-offs between promotion of short-term goals for human well-being versus long-term restoration of ecosystems and to the inevitable diversity of values we may encounter. We can continue to be inspired by a range of visions for a future with sustainable ecosystems and ways of human life compatible with such sustainability ( Marien, 1996 ). Drawing on all three frames we should be able to influence both publics and decision makers to make social and political choices which ultimately promote both ecosystem and human well-being.

Links between ecosystem health and human health

We wish to acknowledge the research assistance of Jennie James and Adele Iannantuono and the advice given by the Great Lakes Science Advisory Board Working Group on Ecosystem Health, International Joint Commission (IJC). Production of a monograph for the IJC facilitated our collaboration and thinking. Eyles and Cole have been supported by the EcoResearch Program in Environmental Health funded through Canada's Green Plan, the Ontario Ministry of Health, and the Region of Hamilton-Wentworth. Ross was supported while carrying out this work by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Doctoral Fellowship (no. 752-93-3037). Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for insightful comments.

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Environmental Ethics

Environmental ethics is the discipline in philosophy that studies the moral relationship of human beings to, and also the value and moral status of, the environment and its non-human contents. This entry covers: (1) the challenge of environmental ethics to the anthropocentrism (i.e., human-centeredness) embedded in traditional western ethical thinking; (2) the development of the discipline from the 1960s and 1970s; (3) the connection of deep ecology, feminist environmental ethics, animism and social ecology to politics; (4) the attempt to apply traditional ethical theories, including consequentialism, deontology, and virtue ethics, to support contemporary environmental concerns; (5) the broader concerns of some thinkers with wilderness, the built environment and the politics of poverty; and (6) the ethics of sustainability and climate change.

1. Introduction: The Challenge of Environmental Ethics

2. the development of environmental ethics, 3.1 deep ecology, 3.2 feminism and the environment, 3.3 disenchantment and the new animism, 3.4 social ecology and bioregionalism.

Supplementary Document: Biodiversity Preservation

5. Wilderness, the Built Environment, Poverty and Politics

• Supplementary Document: Pathologies of Environmental Crisis – Theories and Empirical Research

Other Internet Resources

Related entries.

Suppose putting out natural fires, culling feral animals or removing some individual members of overpopulated species is necessary for the protection of the integrity of a certain ecosystem. Will these actions be morally permissible or even required? Is it morally acceptable for farmers in non-industrial countries to practise slash and burn techniques to clear areas for agriculture? Consider a mining company which has performed open pit mining in some previously unspoiled area. Does the company have a moral obligation to restore the landform and surface ecology? And what is the value of a humanly restored environment compared with the originally natural environment? Many people think that it is morally wrong for human beings to pollute and destroy parts of the natural environment and to consume a huge proportion of the planet’s natural resources. If that is wrong, is it simply because a sustainable environment is essential to human existence and well-being? Or is such behaviour also wrong because the natural environment and/or its various contents have certain values in their own right so that these values ought to be respected and protected in any case? These are among the questions investigated by environmental ethics. Some of them are specific questions faced by individuals in particular circumstances, while others are more global questions faced by groups and communities. Yet others are more abstract questions concerning the value and moral standing of the natural environment and its non-human components.

In the literature on environmental ethics the distinction between instrumental value and intrinsic value (in the sense of “non-instrumental value”) is of considerable importance. The former is the value of things as means to further some other ends, whereas the latter is the value of things as ends in themselves regardless of whether they are also useful as means to other ends. For instance, certain fruits have instrumental value for bats who feed on them, since feeding on the fruits is a means to survival for the bats. However, it is not widely agreed that fruits have value as ends in themselves. We can likewise think of a person who teaches others as having instrumental value for those who want to acquire knowledge. Yet, in addition to any such value, it is normally said that a person, as a person, has intrinsic value, i.e., value in their own right independently of their prospects for serving the ends of others. For another example, a certain wild plant may have instrumental value because it provides the ingredients for some medicine or as an aesthetic object for human observers. But if the plant also has some value in itself independently of its prospects for furthering some other ends such as human health, or the pleasure from aesthetic experience, then the plant also has intrinsic value. Because the intrinsically valuable is that which is good as an end in itself, it is commonly agreed that something’s possession of intrinsic value generates a prima facie direct moral duty on the part of moral agents to protect it or at least refrain from damaging it (see O’Neil 1992 and Jamieson 2002 for detailed accounts of intrinsic value).

Many traditional western ethical perspectives, however, are anthropocentric or human-centered in that either they assign intrinsic value to human beings alone (i.e., what we might call anthropocentric in a strong sense) or they assign a significantly greater amount of intrinsic value to human beings than to any non-human things such that the protection or promotion of human interests or well-being at the expense of non-human things turns out to be nearly always justified (i.e., what we might call anthropocentric in a weak sense). For example, Aristotle ( Politics , Bk. 1, Ch. 8) apparently maintains that “nature has made all things specifically for the sake of man”. Such purposive or teleological thinking may encourage the belief that the value of non-human things in nature is merely instrumental. It is difficult for anthropocentric positions to articulate what is wrong with the cruel treatment of non-human animals, except to the extent that such treatment may lead to bad consequences for human beings. Immanuel Kant (“Duties to Animals and Spirits”, in Lectures on Ethics ), for instance, suggests that cruelty towards a dog might encourage a person to develop a character which would be desensitized to cruelty towards humans. From this standpoint, cruelty towards non-human animals would be instrumentally, rather than intrinsically, wrong. Likewise, anthropocentrism often recognizes some non-intrinsic wrongness of anthropogenic (i.e. human-caused) environmental devastation. Such destruction might damage the well-being of human beings now and in the future, since our very existence and well-being is essentially dependent on a sustainable environment. This argument was made in the previous century (see Passmore 1974; Bookchin 1990; Norton et al . (eds.) 1995), and seems subsequently to have garnered wide public support (see the results of surveys in Pew 2018).

When environmental ethics emerged as a new sub-discipline of philosophy in the early 1970s, it did so by posing a challenge to traditional anthropocentrism. In the first place, it questioned the assumed moral superiority of human beings to members of other species on earth. In the second place, it investigated the possibility of rational arguments for assigning intrinsic value to the natural environment and its non-human contents. It should be noted, however, that some theorists working in the field see no need to develop new, non-anthropocentric theories. Instead, they advocate what may be called enlightened anthropocentrism (or, perhaps more appropriately called, prudential anthropocentrism). Briefly, this is the view that all the moral duties we have towards the environment are derived from our direct duties to its human inhabitants. The practical purpose of environmental ethics, they maintain, is to provide moral grounds for social policies aimed at protecting the earth’s environment and remedying environmental degradation. Enlightened anthropocentrism, they argue, is sufficient for that practical purpose, and perhaps even more effective in delivering pragmatic outcomes, in terms of policy-making, than non-anthropocentric theories given the theoretical burden on the latter to provide sound arguments for its more radical view that the non-human environment has intrinsic value (cf. Norton 1991, de Shalit 1994, Light and Katz 1996). Furthermore, some prudential anthropocentrists may hold what might be called cynical anthropocentrism, which says that we have a higher-level anthropocentric reason to be non-anthropocentric in our day-to-day thinking. Suppose that a day-to-day non-anthropocentrist tends to act more benignly towards the non-human environment on which human well-being depends. This would provide reason for encouraging non-anthropocentric thinking, even to those who find the idea of non-anthropocentric intrinsic value hard to swallow. In order for such a strategy to be effective one may need to hide one’s cynical anthropocentrism from others and even from oneself. The position can be structurally compared to some indirect form of consequentialism and may attract parallel critiques (see Henry Sidgwick on utilitarianism and esoteric morality, and Bernard Williams on indirect utilitarianism).

Although nature was the focus of much nineteenth and twentieth century philosophy, contemporary environmental ethics only emerged as an academic discipline in the 1970s. The questioning and rethinking of the relationship of human beings with the natural environment over the last thirty years reflected an already widespread perception in the 1960s that the late twentieth century faced a human population explosion as part of a serious environmental crisis. Among the accessible work that drew attention to a sense of crisis was Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1963), which consisted of a number of essays earlier published in the New Yorker magazine detailing how pesticides such as DDT, aldrin and dieldrin concentrated through the food web. Commercial farming practices using these chemicals to maximize crop yields and profits, Carson speculates, are capable of impacting simultaneously on environmental and public health. Their use, she claims, can have the side effects of killing other living things (besides the targeted insects) and causing human disease. While Carson correctly fears that over-use of pesticides may lead to increases in some resistant insect species, the intensification of agriculture, land-clearing and massive use of neonicotonoid pesticides has subsequently contributed to a situation in which, according to some reviews, nearly half of insect species are threatened with extinction (Sánchez-Bayo and Wickhuys 2019, and compare van der Sluijs and Vaage 2016, Komonen, Halme and Kotiaho 2019). Declines in insect populations not only threaten pollination of plant species, but may also be responsible for huge declines in some bird populations (Goulson 2021) and appear to go hand in hand with cascading extinctions across ecosystems worldwide (Kehoe, Frago and Sanders 2021).

In a much cited essay (White 1967) on the historical roots of the environmental crisis, historian Lynn White argued that the main strands of Judeo-Christian thinking had encouraged the overexploitation of nature by maintaining the superiority of humans over all other forms of life on earth, and by depicting all of nature as created for the use of humans. White’s thesis was widely discussed in theology, history, and has been subject to some sociological testing as well as being regularly discussed by philosophers (see Whitney 1993, Attfield 2001). Central to the rationale for his thesis were the works of the Church Fathers and The Bible itself, supporting the anthropocentric perspective that humans are the only things on Earth that matter in themselves. Consequently, they may utilize and consume everything else to their advantage without any injustice. For example, Genesis 1: 27–8 states: “God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them. And God blessed them, and God said unto them, Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominion over fish of the sea, and over fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth.” Likewise, Thomas Aquinas ( Summa Contra Gentiles , Bk. 3, Pt 2, Ch 112) argued that non-human animals are “ordered to man’s use”. According to White, the Judeo-Christian idea that humans are created in the image of the transcendent supernatural God, who is radically separate from nature, also by extension radically separates humans themselves from nature. This ideology further opened the way for untrammeled exploitation of nature. Modern Western science itself, White argued, was “cast in the matrix of Christian theology” so that it too inherited the “orthodox Christian arrogance toward nature” (White 1967: 1207). Clearly, without technology and science, the environmental extremes to which we are now exposed would probably not be realized. The point of White’s thesis, however, is that given the modern form of science and technology, Judeo-Christianity itself provides the original deep-seated drive to unlimited exploitation of nature. Nevertheless, White argued that some minority traditions within Christianity (e.g., the views of St. Francis) might provide an antidote to the “arrogance” of a mainstream tradition steeped in anthropocentrism. This sentiment is echoed in later Christian writings on attitudes to nature (see for example Berry 2018, chs 10, 11, and compare Zaheva and Szasz 2015).

Around the same time, the Stanford ecologists Paul and Anne Ehrlich warned in The Population Bomb (Ehrlich 1968) that the growth of human population threatened the viability of planetary life-support systems. The sense of environmental crisis stimulated by those and other popular works was intensified by NASA’s production and wide dissemination of a particularly potent image of Earth from space taken at Christmas 1968 and featured in the Scientific American in September 1970. Here, plain to see, was a living, shining planet voyaging through space and shared by all of humanity, a precious vessel vulnerable to pollution and to the overuse of its limited capacities. In 1972 a team of researchers at MIT led by Donella Meadows published the Limits to Growth study, a work that summed up in many ways the emerging concerns of the previous decade and the sense of vulnerability triggered by the view of the earth from space. In the commentary to the study, the researchers wrote:

We affirm finally that any deliberate attempt to reach a rational and enduring state of equilibrium by planned measures, rather than by chance or catastrophe, must ultimately be founded on a basic change of values and goals at individual, national and world levels. (Meadows et al. 1972: 195)

The call for a “basic change of values” in connection to the environment (a call that could be interpreted in terms of either instrumental or intrinsic values) reflected a need for the development of environmental ethics as a new sub-discipline of philosophy. The aim of facing up to the challenge of limited resources was fostered subsequently by studies of the growing human “ecological footprint” on the earth (Rees 1992, Wackernagel et al . 2018) and by the exploration of “planetary boundaries” and the concept of a “safe operating space for humanity” (Rokström et al . 2009, Biermann and Kim 2020).

The new field emerged almost simultaneously in three countries—the United States, Australia, and Norway. In the first two of these countries, direction and inspiration largely came from the earlier twentieth century American literature of the environment. For instance, the Scottish emigrant John Muir (founder of the Sierra Club and “father of American conservation”) and subsequently the forester Aldo Leopold had advocated an appreciation and conservation of things “natural, wild and free”. Their concerns were motivated by a combination of ethical and aesthetic responses to nature as well as a rejection of crudely economic approaches to the value of natural objects (a historical survey of the confrontation between Muir’s reverentialism and the human-centred conservationism of Gifford Pinchot (one of the major influences on the development of the US Forest Service) is provided in Norton 1991; also see Cohen 1984 and Nash (ed) 1990). Leopold’s A Sand County Almanac (1949), in particular, advocated the adoption of a “land ethic”:

That land is a community is the basic concept of ecology, but that land is to be loved and respected is an extension of ethics. (Leopold 1949: vii–ix) A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise. (Leopold 1949: 224–5)

However, Leopold himself provided no systematic ethical theory or framework to support these ethical ideas concerning the environment. His views therefore presented a challenge and opportunity for moral theorists: could some ethical theory be devised to justify the injunction to preserve the integrity, stability and beauty of the biosphere?

The land ethic sketched by Leopold, attempting to extend our moral concern to cover the natural environment and its non-human contents, was drawn on explicitly by the Australian philosopher Richard Routley (later Sylvan). According to Routley (1973 (cf. Routley and Routley 1980)), the anthropocentrism imbedded in what he called the “dominant western view”, or “the western superethic”, is in effect “human chauvinism”. This view, he argued, is just another form of class chauvinism, which is simply based on blind class “loyalty” or prejudice, and unjustifiably discriminates against those outside the privileged class. Echoing the plot of a popular movie some three years earlier (see Lo and Brennan 2013), Routley speculates in his “last man” (and “last people”) arguments about a hypothetical situation in which the last person, surviving a world catastrophe, acts to ensure the elimination of all other living things and the last people set about destroying forests and ecosystems after their demise. From the human-chauvinistic (or absolutely anthropocentric) perspective, the last person would do nothing morally wrong, since his or her destructive act in question would not cause any damage to the interests and well-being of humans, who would by then have disappeared. Nevertheless, Routley points out that there is a moral intuition that the imagined last acts would be morally wrong. An explanation for this judgment, he argues, is that those non-human objects in the environment, whose destruction is ensured by the last person or last people, have intrinsic value, a kind of value independent of their usefulness for humans. From his critique, Routley concluded that the main approaches in traditional western moral thinking were unable to allow the recognition that natural things have intrinsic value, and that the tradition required overhaul of a significant kind.

Leopold’s idea that the “land” as a whole is an object of our moral concern also stimulated writers to argue for certain moral obligations toward ecological wholes, such as species, communities, and ecosystems, not just their individual constituents. The U.S.-based theologian and environmental philosopher Holmes Rolston III, for instance, argued that species protection was a moral duty (Rolston 1975). It would be wrong, he maintained, to eliminate a rare butterfly species simply to increase the monetary value of specimens already held by collectors. Like Routley’s “last man” arguments, Rolston’s example is meant to draw attention to a kind of action that seems morally dubious and yet is not clearly ruled out or condemned by traditional anthropocentric ethical views. Species, Rolston went on to argue, are intrinsically valuable and are usually more valuable than individual specimens, since the loss of a species is a loss of genetic possibilities and the deliberate destruction of a species would show disrespect for the very biological processes which make possible the emergence of individual living things (also see Rolston 1989, Ch 10). Natural processes deserve respect, according to Rolston’s quasi-religious perspective, because they constitute a nature (or God) which is itself intrinsically valuable (or sacred).

Meanwhile, the work of Christopher Stone (a professor of law at the University of Southern California) had become widely discussed. Stone (1972) proposes that trees and other natural objects should have at least the same standing in law as corporations. This suggestion was inspired by a particular case in which the Sierra Club had mounted a challenge against the permit granted by the U.S. Forest Service to Walt Disney Enterprises for surveys preparatory to the development of the Mineral King Valley, which was at the time a relatively remote game refuge, but not designated as a national park or protected wilderness area. The Disney proposal was to develop a major resort complex serving 14000 visitors daily to be accessed by a purpose-built highway through Sequoia National Park. The Sierra Club, as a body with a general concern for wilderness conservation, challenged the development on the grounds that the valley should be kept in its original state for its own sake.

Stone reasoned that if trees, forests and mountains could be given standing in law then they could be represented in their own right in the courts by groups such as the Sierra Club. Moreover, like any other legal person , these natural things could become beneficiaries of compensation if it could be shown that they had suffered compensatable injury through human activity. When the case went to the U.S. Supreme Court, it was determined by a narrow majority that the Sierra Club did not meet the condition for bringing a case to court, for the Club was unable and unwilling to prove the likelihood of injury to the interest of the Club or its members. In dissenting minority judgments, however, justices Douglas, Blackmun and Brennan mentioned Stone’s argument: his proposal to give legal standing to natural things, they said, would allow conservation interests, community needs and business interests to be represented, debated and settled in court. Stone’s work was later cited in the successful arguments to grant personhood to rivers and other natural features in various parts of the world. In some of these cases, Stone’s arguments—along with those of Arne Næss (see below)—have been said to provide analogues to indigenous understandings of the intrinsic value of the land and the interconnections of such understandings with human actions and ancestral spirituality (Morris and Ruru 2010, Kramm 2020). Similar suggestions have also been made about Leopold’s work, but such claims need to be interpreted with caution (White 2015).

Reacting to Stone’s proposal, Joel Feinberg (1974) raised a serious problem. Only items that have interests, Feinberg argued, can be regarded as having legal standing and, likewise, moral standing. For it is interests which are capable of being represented in legal proceedings and moral debates. This same point would also seem to apply to political debates. For instance, the movement for “animal liberation”, which also emerged strongly in the 1970s, can be thought of as a political movement aimed at representing the previously neglected interests of some animals (see Regan and Singer (eds.) 1976, Clark 1977, and also the entry on the moral status of animals ). Granted that some animals have interests that can be represented in this way, would it also make sense to speak of trees, forests, rivers, barnacles, or termites as having interests of a morally relevant kind? This issue was hotly contested in the years that followed. Meanwhile, John Passmore (1974) argued, like White, that the Judeo-Christian tradition of thought about nature, despite being predominantly “despotic”, contained resources for regarding humans as “stewards” or “perfectors” of God’s creation. Skeptical of the prospects for any radically new ethic, Passmore cautioned that traditions of thought could not be abruptly overhauled. Any change in attitudes to our natural surroundings which stood the chance of widespread acceptance, he argued, would have to resonate and have some continuities with the very tradition which had legitimized our destructive practices.

In sum, then, Leopold’s land ethic, the historical analyses of White and Passmore, the pioneering work of Routley, Stone and Rolston, and the warnings of scientists, had by the late 1970s focused the attention of philosophers and political theorists firmly on the environment. The confluence of ethical, political and legal debates about the environment, the emergence of philosophies to underpin animal rights activism and the puzzles over whether an environmental ethic would be something new rather than a modification or extension of existing ethical theories were reflected in wider social and political movements. The rise of environmental or “green” parties in Europe in the 1980s was accompanied by almost immediate schisms between groups known as “realists” versus “fundamentalists” (see Dobson 1990). The “realists” stood for reform environmentalism, working with business and government to soften the impact of pollution and resource depletion especially on fragile ecosystems or endangered species. The “fundies” argued for radical change, the setting of stringent new priorities, and even the overthrow of capitalism and liberal individualism, which were taken as the major ideological causes of anthropogenic environmental devastation. It is not clear, however, that collectivist or communist countries do particularly well in terms of their environmental record (see Dominick 1998). At the same time, the rise of “environmental authoritarianism” in some non-democratic countries appears to show that liberal democracies may not have a monopoly on effective action to support sustainability and biodiversity (Beeson 2010, Shahar 2015).

Underlying these political disagreements was the distinction between “shallow” and “deep” environmental movements, a distinction introduced in the early 1970s by another major influence on contemporary environmental ethics, the Norwegian philosopher and climber Arne Næss. Since the work of Næss has been significant in environmental politics, the discussion of his position is given in a separate section below.

3. Environmental Ethics and Politics

“Deep ecology” was born in Scandinavia, the result of discussions between Næss and his colleagues Sigmund Kvaløy and Nils Faarlund (see Næss 1973 and 1989; also see Witoszek and Brennan (eds.) 1999 for a historical survey and commentary on the development of deep ecology). All three shared a passion for the great mountains. On a visit to the Himalayas, they became impressed with aspects of “Sherpa culture” particularly when they found that their Sherpa guides regarded certain mountains as sacred and accordingly would not venture onto them. Subsequently, Næss formulated a position which extended the reverence the three Norwegians and the Sherpas felt for mountains to other natural things in general.

The “shallow ecology movement”, as Næss (1973) calls it, is the “fight against pollution and resource depletion”, the central objective of which is “the health and affluence of people in the developed countries.” The “deep ecology movement”, in contrast, endorses “biospheric egalitarianism”, the view that all living things are alike in having value in their own right, independent of their usefulness to others. The deep ecologist respects this intrinsic value, taking care, for example, when walking on the mountainside not to cause unnecessary damage to the plants.

Inspired by Spinoza’s metaphysics, another key feature of Næss’s deep ecology is the rejection of atomistic individualism. The idea that a human being is such an individual possessing a separate essence, Næss argues, radically separates the human self from the rest of the world. To make such a separation not only leads to selfishness towards other people, but also induces human selfishness towards nature. As a counter to egoism at both the individual and species level, Næss proposes an alternative relational “total-field image” of the world. According to this relationalism, organisms (human or otherwise) are best understood as “knots” in the biospherical net. The identity of a living thing is essentially constituted by its relations to other things in the world, especially its ecological relations to other living things. If people conceptualise themselves and the world in relational terms, the deep ecologists argue, then people will take better care of nature and the world in general.

As developed by Næss and others, the position also came to focus on the possibility of the identification of the human ego with nature. The idea is, briefly, that by identifying with nature I can enlarge the boundaries of the self beyond my skin. My larger—ecological—Self (the capital “S” emphasizes that I am something larger than my body and consciousness), deserves respect as well. To respect and to care for my Self is also to respect and to care for the natural environment, which is actually part of me and with which I should identify. Næss quotes the example of Saami people and their identification with the rivers on which they depend for sustenance. Recognition of such identification has underpinned the establishment in New Zealand of legal personhood for some rivers and other natural areas (Kramm 2020). “Self-realization” is thus the realization of a wider ecological Self. Næss maintains that the deep satisfaction that we receive from identification with nature and close partnership with other forms of life in nature contributes significantly to our life quality. (One historical antecedent to this kind of nature spiritualism is the romanticism of Jean-Jacques Rousseau as expressed in his last work, the Reveries of the Solitary Walker )

When Næss’s view crossed the Atlantic, it was sometimes merged with ideas emerging from Leopold’s land ethic (see Devall and Sessions 1985; also see Sessions (ed) 1995). But Næss—wary of the supposed totalitarian political implications of Leopold’s position that individual interests and well-being should be subordinated to the holistic good of the earth’s biotic community (see section 4 below)—took care to distance himself from advocating any sort of “land ethic”. (See Anker 1999 for cautions on interpreting Næss’s relationalism as an endorsement of the kind of holism displayed in the land ethic; cf. Grey 1993, Taylor and Zimmerman 2005). Some critics have argued that Næss’s deep ecology is no more than an extended social-democratic version of utilitarianism, which counts human interests in the same calculation alongside the interests of all natural things (e.g., trees, wolves, bears, rivers, forests and mountains) in the natural environment (see Witoszek 1997). However, Næss failed to explain in any detail how to make sense of the idea that oysters or barnacles, termites or bacteria could have interests of any morally relevant sort at all. Without an account of this, Næss’s early “biospheric egalitarianism”—that all living things whatsoever had a similar right to live and flourish—was an indeterminate principle in practical terms. It also remains unclear in what sense rivers, mountains and forests can be regarded as possessors of any kind of interests. This is an issue on which Næss always remained elusive.

Biospheric egalitarianism was modified in the 1980s to the weaker claim that the flourishing of both human and non-human life has value in itself, without any commitment to these values being equal. At the same time, Næss declared that his own favoured ecological philosophy—“Ecosophy T”, as he called it after his Tvergastein mountain cabin—was only one of several possible foundations for an environmental ethic. Deep ecology ceased to be a specific doctrine, but instead became a “platform” of eight simple points on which Næss hoped all deep green thinkers could agree. The platform was conceived as establishing a middle ground, between underlying orientations, whether indigenous, Christian, Buddhist, Daoist, process philosophy, or whatever, and the practical principles for action in specific situations, principles generated from the underlying philosophies. Thus the deep ecological movement became explicitly pluralist both morally and epistemologically (see Brennan 1999; c.f. Light 1996, Akamani 2020).

While Næss’s Ecosophy T sees human Self-realization as a solution to the environmental crises resulting from human selfishness and exploitation of nature, some of the followers of the deep ecology platform in the United States and Australia further argue that the expansion of the human self to include non-human nature is supported by the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum theory, which is said to have dissolved the boundaries between the observer and the observed (see Fox 1984, 1990, and Devall and Sessions 1985; cf. Callicott 1985). These “relationalist” developments of deep ecology are, however, criticized by some feminist theorists. The idea of nature as part of oneself, they argue, could justify the continued exploitation of nature instead. For one is presumably more entitled to treat oneself in whatever ways one likes than to treat another independent agent in whatever ways one likes. According to these feminist critics, the deep ecological theory of the “expanded self” is in effect a disguised form of human colonialism, unable to give nature its due as a genuine “other” independent of human interest and purposes (see Plumwood 1993, Ch. 7, 1999, and Warren 1999).

Meanwhile, other critics accuse deep ecology of being elitist in its attempts to preserve wilderness experiences for only a select group of economically and socio-politically well-off people. Ramachandra Guha (1989, 1999) for instance, depicts the activities of many western-based conservation groups as a new form of cultural imperialism, aimed at securing converts to conservationism (cf. Bookchin 1987 and Brennan 1998a). “Green missionaries”, as Guha calls them, represent a movement aimed at further dispossessing the world’s poor and indigenous people. “Putting deep ecology in its place,” he writes, “is to recognize that the trends it derides as “shallow” ecology might in fact be varieties of environmentalism that are more apposite, more representative and more popular in the countries of the South.” Although Næss himself repudiates suggestions that deep ecology is committed to any form of imperialism (see Witoszek and Brennan (eds.) 1999, Ch. 36–7 and 41), Guha’s criticism raises important questions about the application of deep ecological principles in different social, economic and cultural contexts. Finally, in other critiques, deep ecology is portrayed as having an inconsistent utopian vision (see Anker and Witoszek 1998).

Broadly speaking, a feminist issue is any that contributes in some way to understanding the oppression of women. Feminist theories attempt to analyze women’s oppression, its causes and consequences, and suggest strategies and directions for women’s liberation. By the mid 1970s, feminist writers had raised the issue of whether patriarchal modes of thinking encouraged not only widespread inferiorizing and colonizing of women, but also of people of colour, animals and nature. Sheila Collins (1974), for instance, argued that male-dominated culture or patriarchy is supported by four interlocking pillars: sexism, racism, class exploitation, and ecological destruction.

Emphasizing the importance of feminism to the environmental movement and various other liberation movements, some writers, such as Ynestra King (1989a and 1989b), argue that the domination of women by men is historically the original form of domination in human society, from which all other hierarchies—of rank, class, and political power—flow. For instance, human exploitation of nature may be seen as a manifestation and extension of the oppression of women, in that it is the result of associating nature with the female, which had been already inferiorized and oppressed by the male-dominating culture. But within the plurality of feminist positions, other writers, such as Val Plumwood (1993), understand the oppression of women as only one of the many parallel forms of oppression sharing and supported by a common ideological structure, in which one party (the colonizer, whether male, white or human) uses a number of conceptual and rhetorical devices to privilege its interests over that of the other party (the colonized: whether female, people of colour, or animals). Facilitated by a common structure, seemingly diverse forms of oppression can mutually reinforce each other (Warren 1987, 1990, 1994, Cheney 1989, and Plumwood 1993).

Not all feminist theorists would call that common underlying oppressive structure “androcentric” or “patriarchal”. But it is generally agreed that core features of the structure include dichotomies, hierarchical thinking, and a “logic of domination”, which are typical of, if not essential to, male-chauvinism. These patterns of thinking and conceptualizing the world, many feminist theorists argue, also nourish and sustain other forms of chauvinism including human-chauvinism (i.e., anthropocentrism), which is responsible for much human exploitation of, and destructiveness towards, nature. Writers comment on dichotomous forms of thinking which depict the world in polar opposite terms, such as male/female, masculinity/femininity, reason/emotion, freedom/necessity, active/passive, mind/body, pure/soiled, white/coloured, civilized/primitive, transcendent/immanent, human/animal, culture/nature. When these dichotomies involve hierarchy and domination they are often labelled "dualisms". Under the influence of such dualisms all the first items in these contrasting pairs are assimilated with each other, and all the second items are likewise linked with each other. For example, the male is seen to be associated with the rational, active, creative, Cartesian human mind, and civilized, orderly, transcendent culture; whereas the female is regarded as tied to the emotional, passive, determined animal body, and primitive, disorderly, immanent nature. These interlocking dualisms are not just descriptive dichotomies, according to the feminists, but involve a prescriptive privileging of one side of the opposed items over the other. Dualism confers superiority to everything on the male side, but inferiority to everything on the female side. The “logic of domination” then dictates that those on the superior side (e.g., men, rational beings, humans) are morally entitled to dominate and utilize those on the inferior side (e.g., women, beings lacking in rationality, non-humans) as mere means.

The problem with dualistic modes of thinking, however, is not just that they are epistemically unreliable. It is not just that the dominating party often falsely sees the dominated party as lacking (or possessing) the allegedly superior (or inferior) qualities, or that the dominated party often internalizes false stereotypes of itself given by its oppressors, or that stereotypical thinking often overlooks salient and important differences among individuals. More important, according to feminist analyses, the very premise of prescriptive dualism—the valuing of attributes of one polarized side and the devaluing of those of the other, the idea that domination and oppression can be justified by appealing to attributes like masculinity, rationality, being civilized or developed, etc.—is itself problematic.

Feminism represents a radical challenge for environmental thinking, politics, and traditional social ethical perspectives. It promises to link environmental questions with wider social problems concerning various kinds of discrimination and exploitation, and fundamental investigations of human psychology. However, whether there are conceptual, causal or merely contingent connections among the different forms of oppression and liberation remains a contested issue (see Green 1994). The term “ecofeminism” (first coined by Françoise d’Eaubonne in 1974) or “ecological feminism” was for a time generally applied to any view that combines environmental advocacy with feminist analysis. However, because of the varieties of, and disagreements among, feminist theories, the label may be too wide to be informative (see the entry on feminist environmental philosophy ).

An often overlooked source of ecological ideas is the work of the neo-Marxist Frankfurt School of critical theory founded by Max Horkheimer and Theodore Adorno (Horkheimer and Adorno 1969). While classical Marxists regard nature as a resource to be transformed by human labour and utilized for human purposes, Horkheimer and Adorno saw Marx himself as representative of the problem of “human alienation”. At the root of this alienation, they argue, is a narrow positivist conception of rationality—which sees rationality as an instrument for pursuing progress, power and technological control, and takes observation, measurement and the application of purely quantitative methods to be capable of solving all problems. Such a positivistic view of science combines determinism with optimism. Natural processes as well as human activities are seen to be predictable and manipulable. Nature (and, likewise, human nature) is no longer mysterious, uncontrollable, or fearsome. Instead, it is reduced to an object strictly governed by natural laws, which therefore can be studied, known, and employed to our benefit. By promising limitless knowledge and power, the positivism of science and technology not only removes our fear of nature, the critical theorists argue, but also destroys our sense of awe and wonder towards it. That is to say, positivism “disenchants” nature—along with everything that can be studied by the sciences, whether natural, social or human.

The progress in knowledge and material well-being may not be a bad thing in itself, where the consumption and control of nature is a necessary part of human life. However, the critical theorists argue that the positivistic disenchantment of natural things (and, likewise, of human beings—because they too can be studied and manipulated by science) disrupts our relationship with them, encouraging the undesirable attitude that they are nothing more than things to be probed, consumed and dominated. According to the critical theorists, the oppression of “outer nature” (i.e., the natural environment) through science and technology is bought at a very high price: the project of domination requires the suppression of our own “inner nature” (i.e., human nature)—e.g., human creativity, autonomy, and the manifold needs, vulnerabilities and longings at the centre of human life. To remedy such an alienation, the project of Horkheimer and Adorno is to replace the narrow positivistic and instrumentalist model of rationality with a more humanistic one, in which the values of the aesthetic, moral, sensuous and expressive aspects of human life play a central part. Thus, their aim is not to give up our rational faculties or powers of analysis and logic. Rather, the ambition is to arrive at a dialectical synthesis between Romanticism and Enlightenment, to return to anti-deterministic values of freedom, spontaneity and creativity.

In his later work, Adorno advocates a re-enchanting aesthetic attitude of “sensuous immediacy” towards nature. Not only do we stop seeing nature as primarily, or simply, an object of consumption, we are also able to be directly and spontaneously acquainted with nature without interventions from our rational faculties. According to Adorno, works of art, like natural things, always involve an “excess”, something more than their mere materiality and exchange value (see Vogel 1996, ch. 4.4 for a detailed discussion of Adorno’s views on art, labour and domination). The re-enchantment of the world through aesthetic experience, he argues, is also at the same time a re-enchantment of human lives and purposes. Adorno’s work remains largely unexplored in mainstream environmental philosophy, although the idea of applying critical theory (embracing techniques of deconstruction, psychoanalysis and radical social criticism) to both environmental issues and the writings of various ethical and political theorists has spawned the field of “écocritique” or “ecocriticism” (Vogel 1996, Luke 1997, van Wyk 1997, Dryzek 1997, Garrard 2014).

Some students of Adorno’s work have argued that his account of the role of “sensuous immediacy” can be understood as an attempt to defend a “legitimate anthropomorphism” that comes close to a weak form of animism (Bernstein 2001, 196). Others, more radical, have claimed to take inspiration from his notion of “non-identity”, which, they argue, can be used as the basis for a deconstruction of the notion of nature and perhaps even its elimination from ecocritical writing. For example, Timothy Morton argues that “putting something called Nature on a pedestal and admiring it from afar does for the environment what patriarchy does for the figure of Woman. It is a paradoxical act of sadistic admiration” (Morton 2007, 5), and that “in the name of all that we value in the idea of ‘nature’, [ecocritique] thoroughly examines how nature is set up as a transcendental, unified, independent category. Ecocritique does not think that it is paradoxical to say, in the name of ecology itself: ‘down with nature!’” (ibid., 13). In this vein, some thinkers have insisted that environmental ethics makes a mistake in drawing a significant distinction between the natural and the artificial (Vogel 2015). Such an idea, however, has drawn fierce criticism from some Marxist theorists who argue that the “end of nature” thesis is deeply confused (for example Malm 2018). It remains to be seen, however, whether the radical attempt to purge the concept of nature from ecocritical work meets with success. Likewise, it is unclear whether the dialectic project on which Horkheimer and Adorno embarked is coherent, and whether Adorno, in particular, has a consistent understanding of “nature” and “rationality” (see Eckersley 1992 and Vogel 1996, for a review of the Frankfurt School’s thinking about nature, and on rationality see also the entry on critical theory ).

On the other hand, the new animists have been much inspired by the serious way in which some indigenous peoples placate and interact with animals, plants and inanimate things through ritual, ceremony and other practices (for examples see Kimmerer 2020). According to the new animists, the replacement of traditional animism (the view that personalized souls are found in animals, plants, and other material objects) by a form of disenchanting positivism directly leads to an anthropocentric perspective, which is accountable for much human destructiveness towards nature. In a disenchanted world, there is no meaningful order of things or events outside the human domain, and there is no source of sacredness or dread of the sort felt by those who regard the natural world as peopled by divinities or demons (Stone 2006). When a forest is no longer sacred, there are no spirits to be placated and no mysterious risks associated with clear-felling it. A disenchanted nature is no longer alive. It commands no respect, reverence or love. It is nothing but a giant machine, to be mastered to serve human purposes. The new animists argue for reconceptualizing the boundary between persons and non-persons. For them, “living nature” comprises not only humans, animals and plants, but also mountains, forests, rivers, deserts, and even planets.

Whether the notion that a mountain or a tree is to be regarded as a person is taken literally or not, the attempt to engage with the surrounding world as if it consists of other persons might possibly provide the basis for a respectful attitude to nature (see Harvey 2005 for a popular account of the new animism). If disenchantment is a source of environmental problems and destruction, then the new animism can be regarded as attempting to re-enchant, and help to save, nature. More poetically, David Abram has argued that a phenomenological approach of the kind taken by Merleau-Ponty can reveal to us that we are part of the “common flesh” of the world, that we are in a sense the world thinking itself (Abram 1995).

In her work, Freya Mathews has tried to articulate a version of animism or panpsychism that captures ways in which the world (not just nature) contains many kinds of consciousness and sentience. For her, there is an underlying unity of mind and matter in that the world is a “self-realizing” system containing a multiplicity of other such systems (cf. Næss). According to Mathews, we are meshed in communication, and potential communication, with the “One” (the greater cosmic self) and its many lesser selves (Mathews 2003, 45–60). Materialism (the monistic theory that the world consists purely of matter), she argues, is self-defeating by encouraging a form of “collective solipsism” that treats the world either as unknowable or as a social-construction (Mathews 2005, 12). Mathews also takes inspiration from her interpretation of the core Daoist idea of wuwei as “letting be” and bringing about change through “effortless action”. The focus in environmental management, development and commerce should be on “synergy” with what is already in place rather than on demolition, replacement and disruption. Instead of bulldozing away old suburbs and derelict factories, the synergistic panpsychist sees these artefacts as themselves part of the living cosmos, hence part of what is to be respected. Likewise, instead of trying to eliminate feral or exotic plants and animals, and restore environments to some imagined pristine state, ways should be found—wherever possible—to promote synergies between the newcomers and the older native populations in ways that maintain ecological flows and promote the further unfolding and developing of ecological processes (Mathews 2004). Panpsychism, Mathews argues, frees us from the “ideological grid of capitalism”, can reduce our desire for consumer novelties, and can allow us and the world to grow old together with grace and dignity. Again, some of Mathews work echoes indigenous understandings of an enlarged subjectivity. As Deborah Rose puts it: “subjectivity in the form of sentience and agency is not solely a human prerogative but is located throughout other species and perhaps throughout country itself” (Rose 2005, 302).

In summary, if disenchantment is a source of environmentally destructive or uncaring attitudes, then both the aesthetic and the animist/panpsychist re-enchantment of the world are intended to offer an antidote to such attitudes, and perhaps also inspirations for new forms of managing and designing for sustainability. The general project of re-enchanting the world has surprising resonances with the views of others who draw more explicitly on scientific understandings of life on earth. Earth systems science, for example, draws on the Gaia hypothesis proposed by James Lovelock (Lovelock 1972, 1979) suggesting that living things acting together regulate significant aspects of the global environment (Lovelock and Margulis 1974). Later writers describe the Gaia hypothesis as conjecturing that something overlooked by previous scientific thinking was of vital importance to understanding the one thing that supports all life on earth, namely a great stabilizing feedback system which regulates itself in a way that maintains the habitability of the planet (Lenton et al . 2020). This feedback system is itself under threat from a changing climate, human overpopulation and reductions in biodiversity (see further section 6 below and also Latour 2017). In place of a vision of a grand cosmic self, champions of Gaia theory argue for recognizing the value of Life itself, where the capital "L" draws attention to the great feedback system—a single entity comprising all the living things descended from the last universal common ancestor (Mariscal and Dolittle 2008).

Apart from feminist-environmentalist theories and Næss’s deep ecology, Murray Bookchin’s “social ecology” has also claimed to be radical, subversive, or countercultural (see Bookchin 1980, 1987, 1990). Bookchin’s version of critical theory takes the “outer” physical world as constituting what he calls “first nature”, from which culture or “second nature” has evolved. Environmentalism, in his view, is a social movement, and the problems it confronts are social problems. While Bookchin is prepared, like Horkheimer and Adorno, to regard (first) nature as an aesthetic and sensuous marvel, he regards our intervention in it as necessary. He suggests that we can choose to put ourselves at the service of natural evolution, to help maintain complexity and diversity, diminish suffering and reduce pollution. Bookchin’s social ecology recommends that we use our gifts of sociability, communication and intelligence as if we were “nature rendered conscious”, instead of turning them against the very source and origin from which such gifts derive. Exploitation of nature should be replaced by a richer form of life devoted to nature’s preservation.

John Clark has argued that social ecology is heir to a historical, communitarian tradition of thought that includes not only the anarchist Peter Kropotkin, but also the nineteenth century socialist geographer Elisée Reclus, the eccentric Scottish thinker Patrick Geddes and the latter’s disciple, Lewis Mumford (Clark 1998). Ramachandra Guha has described Mumford as “the pioneer American social ecologist” (Guha 1996, 210). Mumford adopted a regionalist perspective, arguing that strong regional centres of culture are the basis of “active and securely grounded local life” (Mumford 1944, 403). Like the pessimists in critical theory, Mumford was worried about the emergence under industrialised capitalism of a “megamachine”, one that would oppress and dominate human creativity and freedom, and one that—despite being a human product—operates in a way that is out of our control. While Bookchin is more of a technological optimist than Mumford, both writers have inspired a regional turn in environmental thinking. Bioregionalism gives regionalism an environmental twist. This is the view that natural features should provide the defining conditions for places of community, and that secure and satisfying local lives are led by those who know a place, have learned its lore and who adapt their lifestyle to its affordances by developing its potential within ecological limits. Such a life, the bioregionalists argue, will enable people to enjoy the fruits of self-liberation and self-development (see the essays in List 1993, and the book-length treatment in Thayer 2003, for an introduction to bioregional thought).

However, critics have asked why natural features should be significant in defining the places in which communities are to be built, and have puzzled over exactly which natural features these should be—geological, ecological, climatic, hydrological, and so on (see Brennan 1998b). If relatively small, bioregional communities are to be home to flourishing human societies, then a question also arises over the nature of the laws and punishments that will prevail in them, and also of their integration into larger regional and global legal, political and economic groupings. For anarchists and other critics of the predominant social order, a return to self-governing and self-sufficient regional communities is often depicted as liberating and refreshing. But for the skeptics, the worry remains that the bioregional vision is politically over-optimistic and is open to the establishment of illiberal, stifling and undemocratic communities. Further, given its emphasis on local self-sufficiency and the virtue of life in small communities, a question arises over whether bioregionalism is workable in an overcrowded planet. Later bioregional proposals have identified ways of connecting with nature by showing stewardship for green infrastructure within cities (Andersson et al. 2014).

Deep ecology, feminism, and social ecology had a considerable impact on the development of political positions in regard to the environment. Feminist analyses have often been welcomed for the psychological insight they bring to several social, moral and political problems. There is, however, considerable unease about the implications of critical theory, social ecology and some varieties of deep ecology and animism. Some writers have argued, for example, that critical theory is bound to be ethically anthropocentric, with nature as no more than a “social construction” whose value ultimately depends on human determinations (see Vogel 1996). Others have argued that the demands of “deep” green theorists and activists cannot be accommodated within contemporary theories of liberal politics and social justice (see Ferry 1995). A further suggestion is that there is a need to reassess traditional theories such as virtue ethics, which has its origins in ancient Greek philosophy (see the following section) within the context of a form of stewardship similar to that earlier endorsed by Passmore (see Barry 1999). If this last claim is correct, then the radical activist need not, after all, look for philosophical support in radical, or countercultural, theories of the sort deep ecology, feminism, bioregionalism and social ecology claim to be (but see Zimmerman 1994).

4. Traditional Ethical Theories and Contemporary Environment Ethics

Although environmental ethicists often try to distance themselves from the anthropocentrism embedded in traditional ethical views (Passmore 1974, Norton 1991 are exceptions), they also quite often draw their theoretical resources from traditional ethical systems and theories. Consider the following two basic moral questions: (1) What kinds of thing are intrinsically valuable, good or bad? (2) What makes an action right or wrong?

Consequentialist ethical theories consider intrinsic “value” / “disvalue” or “goodness” / “badness” to be more fundamental moral notions than “rightness” / “wrongness”, and maintain that whether an action is right/wrong is determined by whether its consequences are good/bad. From this perspective, answers to question (2) are informed by answers to question (1). For instance, utilitarianism, a paradigm case of consequentialism, regards pleasure (or, more broadly construed, the satisfaction of interest, desire, and/or preference) as the only intrinsic value in the world, whereas pain (or the frustration of desire, interest, and/or preference) is the only intrinsic disvalue, and maintains that right actions are those that would produce the greatest balance of pleasure over pain (see the entry on consequentialism ).

As the utilitarian focus is the balance of pleasure and pain as such, the question of to whom a pleasure or pain belongs is irrelevant to the calculation and assessment of the rightness or wrongness of actions. Hence, the eighteenth century utilitarian Jeremy Bentham (1789), and later Peter Singer (1993), have argued that the interests of all the sentient beings (i.e., beings who are capable of experiencing pleasure or pain)—including non-human ones—affected by an action should be taken equally into consideration in assessing the action. Furthermore, rather like Routley (see section 2 above), Singer argues that the anthropocentric privileging of members of the species Homo sapiens is arbitrary, and that it is a kind of “speciesism” as unjustifiable as sexism and racism. Singer regards the animal liberation movement as comparable to the liberation movements of women and people of colour. Unlike the environmental philosophers who attribute intrinsic value to the natural environment and its inhabitants, Singer and utilitarians in general attribute intrinsic value to the experience of pleasure or interest satisfaction as such, not to the beings who have the experience. Similarly, for the utilitarian, non-sentient objects in the environment such as plant species, rivers, mountains, and landscapes, all of which are the objects of moral concern for environmentalists, are of no intrinsic but at most instrumental value to the satisfaction of sentient beings (see Singer 1993, Ch. 10). Furthermore, because right actions, for the utilitarian, are those that maximize the overall balance of interest satisfaction over frustration, practices such as whale-hunting and the killing of an elephant for ivory, which cause suffering to non-human animals, might turn out to be right after all: such practices might produce considerable amounts of interest-satisfaction for human beings, which, on the utilitarian calculation, outweigh the non-human interest-frustration involved. As the result of all the above considerations, it is unclear to what extent a utilitarian ethic can also be an environmental ethic. This point may not so readily apply to a wider consequentialist approach, which attributes intrinsic value not only to pleasure or satisfaction, but also to various objects and processes in the natural environment.

Deontological ethical theories, in contrast, maintain that whether an action is right or wrong is for the most part independent of whether its consequences are good or bad (see the entry on deontological ethics ). From the deontologist perspective, there are several distinct moral rules or duties (e.g., “not to kill or otherwise harm the innocent”, “not to lie”, “to respect the rights of others”, “to keep promises”), the observance/violation of which is intrinsically right/wrong; i.e., right/wrong in itself regardless of consequences. When asked to justify an alleged moral rule, duty or its corresponding right, deontologists may appeal to the intrinsic value of those beings to whom it applies. For instance, “animal rights” advocate Tom Regan (1983) argues that those animals with intrinsic value (or what he calls “inherent value”) have the moral right to respectful treatment, which then generates a general moral duty on our part not to treat them as mere means to other ends. We have, in particular, a prima facie moral duty not to harm them. Regan maintains that certain practices (such as sport or commercial hunting, and experimentation on animals) violate the moral right of intrinsically valuable animals to respectful treatment. Such practices, he argues, are intrinsically wrong regardless of whether or not some better consequences ever flow from them. Exactly which animals have intrinsic value and therefore the moral right to respectful treatment? Regan’s answer is: those that meet the criterion of being the “subject-of-a-life”. To be such a subject is a sufficient (though not necessary) condition for having intrinsic value, and to be a subject-of-a-life involves, among other things, having sense-perceptions, beliefs, desires, motives, memory, a sense of the future, and a psychological identity over time.

Some authors have extended concern for individual well-being further, arguing for the intrinsic value of organisms achieving their own good, whether those organisms are capable of consciousness or not. Paul Taylor’s version of this view (1981 and 1986), which we might call biocentrism , is a somewhat deontological example. He argues that each individual living thing in nature—whether it is an animal, a plant, or a micro-organism—is a “teleological-center-of-life” having a good or well-being of its own which can be enhanced or damaged, and that all individuals who are teleological-centers-of life have equal intrinsic value (or what he calls “inherent worth”) which entitles them to moral respect. Furthermore, Taylor maintains that the intrinsic value of wild living things generates a prima facie moral duty on our part to preserve or promote their goods as ends in themselves, and that any practices which treat those beings as mere means and thus display a lack of respect for them are intrinsically wrong. For a summary and overview of Taylor’s biocentric ethic, see Brennan and Lo 2010, 69—86. A biologically detailed defence of the idea that living things have representations and goals and hence have moral worth is found in Agar 2001. Unlike Taylor’s egalitarian and deontological biocentrism, Robin Attfield (1987) argues for a hierarchical view that while all beings having a good of their own have intrinsic value, some of them (e.g., persons) have intrinsic value to a greater extent. Attfield also endorses a form of consequentialism which takes into consideration, and attempts to balance, the many and possibly conflicting goods of different living things (see also Varner 1998 for a defense of biocentric individualism with affinities to both consequentialist and deontological approaches). However, some critics have pointed out that the notion of biological good or well-being is only descriptive not prescriptive (see Williams 1992 and O’Neill 1993, Ch. 2). For instance, even if HIV has a good of its own this does not mean that we ought to assign any positive moral weight to the realization of that good.

Subsequently the distinction between these two traditional approaches has taken its own specific form of development in environmental philosophy. Instead of pitting conceptions of value against conceptions of rights, it has been suggested that there may be two different conceptions of intrinsic value in play in discussion about environmental good and evil. One the one side, there is the intrinsic value of states of affairs that are to be promoted—and this is the focus of the consequentialist thinkers. On the other (deontological) hand there is the intrinsic values of entities to be respected (see Bradley 2006, McShane 2014). These two different foci for the notion of intrinsic value still provide room for fundamental argument between deontologists and consequentialist to continue, albeit in a somewhat modified form.

Note that the ethics of animal liberation or animal rights and biocentrism are both individualistic in that their various moral concerns are directed towards individuals only—not ecological wholes such as species, populations, biotic communities, and ecosystems. None of these is sentient, a subject-of-a-life, or a teleological-center-of-life, but the preservation of these collective entities is a major concern for many environmentalists. Moreover, the goals of animal liberationists, such as the reduction of animal suffering and death, may conflict with the goals of environmentalists. For example, the preservation of the integrity of an ecosystem may require the culling of feral animals or of some indigenous animal populations that threaten to destroy fragile habitats. So there are disputes about whether the ethics of animal liberation is a proper branch of environmental ethics (see Callicott 1980, 1988, Sagoff 1984, Jamieson 1998, Crisp 1998 and Varner 2000).

Criticizing the individualistic approach in general for failing to accommodate conservation concerns for ecological wholes, J. Baird Callicott (1980) once advocated a version of land-ethical holism which takes Leopold’s statement “A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise” to be the supreme deontological principle. In this theory, the earth’s biotic community per se is the sole locus of intrinsic value, whereas the value of its individual members is merely instrumental and dependent on their contribution to the “integrity, stability, and beauty” of the larger community. A straightforward implication of this version of the land ethic is that an individual member of the biotic community ought to be sacrificed whenever that is needed for the protection of the holistic good of the community. For instance, Callicott maintains that if culling a white-tailed deer is necessary for the protection of the holistic biotic good, then it is a land-ethical requirement to do so. But, to be consistent, the same point also applies to human individuals because they are also members of the biotic community. Not surprisingly, the misanthropy implied by Callicott’s land-ethical holism was widely criticized and regarded as a reductio of the position (see Aiken (1984), Kheel (1985), Ferré (1996), and Shrader-Frechette (1996)). Tom Regan (1983, p.362), in particular, condemned the holistic land ethic’s disregard of the rights of the individual as “environmental fascism”. Since then commentators have noted the links between fascism and conservation thinking (Biehl and Staudenmaier 2011). The subsequent emergence of explicitly ecofascist on-line movements and terrorist acts that claim to be ecologically-inspired (Lawton 2019) lead one writer to declare that there is a danger the world will enter an age of “climate barbarism”(Klein 2019).

Under pressure from the charge of ecofascism and misanthropy, Callicott (1989 Ch. 5, and 1999, Ch. 4) later revises his neo-Leopodian position to maintain that the biotic community (indeed, any community to which humans belong) as well as its individual members (indeed, any individual who shares with us membership in some common community) all have intrinsic value. To further distance himself from the charge of ecofascism, Callicott introduced explicit principles which prioritize obligations to human communities over those to natural ones. He called these “second-order” principles for specifying the conditions under which the land ethic’s holistic and individualistic obligations were to be ranked. As he put it:

... obligations generated by membership in more venerable and intimate communities take precedence over these generated in more recently-emerged and impersonal communities... The second second-order principle is that stronger interests (for lack of a better word) generate duties that take precedence over duties generated by weaker interests. (Callicott 1999, 76)

Lo 2001 provides an overview and critique of Callicott’s changing position over two decades, while Ouderkirk and Hill (eds.) 2002 gives an overview of debates between Callicott and others concerning the metaethical and metaphysical foundations for the land ethic and also its historical antecedents. As Lo points out, the final modified version of the land ethic needs more than two second-order principles, since a third-order principle is needed to specify Callicott’s implicit view that the second second-order principle generally countermands the first one when they come into conflict (Lo 2001, 345). In later work, Callicott follows Lo’s suggestion, while cautioning against aiming for too much precision in specifying the demands of the land ethic (Callicott 2013, 66–7). While Callicott’s reading of Leopold is widely regarded as authoritative, later writers have queried whether Leopold might be better interpreted a a moral pluralist (Dixon 2017) and have also raised doubts about the form of Darwinism that Leopold is supposed to have espoused (Millstein 2015). For further critique of Callicott on Leopold, see also Newman, Varner and Linquist 2017, ch.10.

The controversy surrounding Callicott’s original position, however, has inspired efforts in environmental ethics to investigate possibilities of attributing intrinsic value to ecological wholes, not just their individual constituent parts. Following in Callicott’s footsteps, and inspired by Næss’s relational account of value, Warwick Fox has championed a theory of “responsive cohesion” which aims to give supreme moral priority to the maintenance of ecosystems and the biophysical world (Fox 2007). It remains to be seen if this position escapes the charges of misanthropy and totalitarianism laid against earlier holistic and relational theories of value.

Individual natural entities (whether sentient or not, living or not), Andrew Brennan (1984, 2014) argues, are not designed by anyone to fulfill any purpose and therefore lack “intrinsic function” (i.e., the function of a thing that constitutes part of its essence or identity conditions). This, he proposes, is a reason for thinking that individual natural entities should not be treated as mere instruments, and thus a reason for assigning them intrinsic value. Furthermore, he argues that the same moral point applies to the case of natural ecosystems, to the extent that they lack intrinsic function. In the light of Brennan’s proposal, Eric Katz (1991 and 1997) argues that all natural entities, whether individuals or wholes, have intrinsic value in virtue of their ontological independence from human purpose, activity, and interest, and maintains the deontological principle that nature as a whole is an “autonomous subject” which deserves moral respect and must not be treated as a mere means to human ends. Carrying the project of attributing intrinsic value to nature to its ultimate form, Robert Elliot (1997) argues that naturalness itself is a property in virtue of possessing which all natural things, events, and states of affairs, attain intrinsic value. Furthermore, Elliot argues that even a consequentialist, who in principle allows the possibility of trading off intrinsic value from naturalness for intrinsic value from other sources, could no longer justify such kind of trade-off in reality. This is because the reduction of intrinsic value due to the depletion of naturalness on earth, according to him, has reached such a level that any further reduction of it could not be compensated by any amount of intrinsic value generated in other ways, no matter how great it is.

As the notion of “natural” is understood in terms of the lack of human contrivance and is often opposed to the notion of “artifactual”, one much contested issue concerns the value of those parts of nature that have been touched by human artifice—for instance, previously degraded natural environments which have been humanly restored. Based on the premise that the properties of being naturally evolved and having a natural continuity with the remote past are “value adding” (i.e., adding intrinsic value to those things which possess those two properties), Elliot argues that even a perfectly restored environment would necessarily lack those two value-adding properties and therefore be less valuable than the originally undegraded natural environment. Katz, on the other hand, argues that a restored nature is really just an artifact designed and created for the satisfaction of human ends, and that the value of restored environments is instrumental. He further argues that restoration is a form of the “domination of reality” and controversially compares such domination to Nazi policies of xenophobia, nativism and eliminationsm (Katz 2021). Critics have pointed out that advocates of a moral dichotomy between the natural and the artifactual run the risk of diminishing the value of human life and culture, and fail to recognize that the natural environments interfered with by humans may still have morally important qualities other than pure naturalness (see Lo 1999, and Katz’s response in Katz 2012).

Two other issues central to this debate are that the key concept “natural” seems ambiguous in many different ways (see Hume 1751, App. 3; Mill 1874; Brennan [1988] 2014; Ch. 6; Elliot 1997, Ch. 4), and that those who argue that human interference reduces the intrinsic value of nature seem to have simply assumed the crucial premise that naturalness is a source of intrinsic value. Some thinkers maintain that the natural, or the “wild” construed as that which “is not humanized” (Hettinger and Throop 1999, p. 12) or to some degree “not under human control” (ibid., p. 13) is intrinsically valuable. Yet, as Bernard Williams points out (Williams 1992), we may, paradoxically, need to use our technological powers to retain a sense of something not being in our power. The retention of wild areas may thus involve planetary and ecological management to maintain, or even “imprison” such areas (Birch 1990), raising a question over the extent to which national parks and wilderness areas are free from our control. An anlogy with gardening has sometimes been used to explore the nature of restoration (Allison 2004).

Given the significance of the concept of naturalness in these debates, it is perhaps surprising that there has been relatively little analysis of that concept itself in environmental thought. In his pioneering work on the ethics of the environment, Holmes Rolston has worked with a number of different conceptions of the natural (see Brennan and Lo 2010, pp.116–23, for an analysis of three senses of the term “natural” that may be found in Rolston’s work). An explicit attempt to provide a conceptual analysis of a different sort is found in Siipi 2008, while an account of naturalness linking this to historical narratives of place is given in O’Neill, Holland and Light 2008, ch. 8 (compare the response to this in Siipi 2011). For reflections on how to protect “one nature with several representations” from the perspective of science policy see Ducarme and Couvet 2020.

Finally, as an alternative to consequentialism and deontology both of which consider “thin” concepts such as “goodness” and “rightness” as essential to morality, virtue ethics proposes to understand morality—and assess the ethical quality of actions—in terms of “thick” concepts such as “kindness”, “honesty”, “sincerity” and “justice”. These, and other excellent traits of character are virtues (see the entry on virtue ethics ). As virtue ethics speaks quite a different language from the other two kinds of ethical theory, its theoretical focus is not so much on what kinds of things are good/bad, or what makes an action right/wrong. Indeed, the richness of the language of virtues, and the emphasis on moral character, is sometimes cited as a reason for exploring a virtues-based approach to the complex and always-changing questions of sustainability and environmental care (Hill 1983, Wensveen 2000, Sandler 2007). One question central to virtue ethics is what the moral reasons are for acting one way or another. For instance, from the perspective of virtue ethics, kindness and loyalty would be moral reasons for helping a friend in hardship. These are quite different from the deontologist’s reason (that the action is demanded by a moral rule) or the consequentialist reason (that the action will lead to a better over-all balance of good over evil in the world). From the perspective of virtue ethics, the motivation and justification of actions are both inseparable from the character traits of the acting agent. Furthermore, unlike deontology or consequentialism the moral focus of which is other people or states of the world, one central issue for virtue ethics is how to live a flourishing human life, this being a central concern of the moral agent himself or herself. “Living virtuously” is Aristotle’s recipe for flourishing. Versions of virtue ethics advocating virtues such as “benevolence”, “piety”, “filiality”, and “courage”, have also been held by thinkers in the Chinese Confucian tradition. The connection between morality and psychology is another core subject of investigation for virtue ethics. It is sometimes suggested that human virtues, which constitute an important aspect of a flourishing human life, must be compatible with human needs and desires, and perhaps also sensitive to individual affection and temperaments. As its central focus is human flourishing as such, virtue ethics may seem unavoidably anthropocentric and unable to support a genuine moral concern for the non-human environment. But just as Aristotle has argued that a flourishing human life requires friendships and one can have genuine friendships only if one genuinely values, loves, respects, and cares for one’s friends for their own sake, not merely for the benefits that they may bring to oneself, some have argued that a flourishing human life requires the moral capacities to value, love, respect, and care for the non-human natural world as an end in itself (see O’Neill 1992, O’Neill 1993, Barry 1999). Not only Aristotle, but also Kant can be used in support of such a position. Toby Svoboda argues, for example, that even indirect duties to protect nature can be the basis of good moral reasons to promote the flourishing of natural things, regardless of whether doing so promotes human interests (Svoboda 2019). Other virtue ethicists claim to be able to provie an account of what it is to feel guilt about damage people have done to the environment and to make sense of the idea of a genuine feeling of gratitude toward nature “for being what it is” (Wood 2019).

Despite the variety of positions in environmental ethics developed over the last thirty years, they have often focused on issues concerned with wilderness and the reasons for its preservation (see Callicott and Nelson 1998 for a collection of essays on the ideas and moral significance of wilderness). The importance of wilderness experience to the human psyche has been emphasized by many environmental philosophers. Næss, for instance, urges us to ensure we spend time dwelling in situations of intrinsic value, whereas Rolston seeks “re-creation” of the human soul by meditating in the wilderness. Likewise, the critical theorists believe that aesthetic appreciation of nature has the power to re-enchant human life. As wilderness becomes increasingly rare, people’s exposure to wild things in their natural state has become reduced, and according to some authors this may reduce the chance of our lives and other values being transformed as a result of interactions with nature. An argument by Bryan Norton draws attention to an analogy with music. Someone exposed for the first time to a new musical genre may undergo a transformation in musical preferences, tastes and values as a result of the experience (Norton 1987. Such a transformation can affect their other preferences and desires too, in both direct and indirect ways (see Sarkar 2005, ch. 4, esp. pp. 82–7). In the attempt to preserve opportunities for experiences that can change or enhance people’s valuations of nature, there has been a move since the early 2000s to find ways of rewilding degraded environments, and even parts of cities (Fraser 2009, Monbiot 2013). Note that such rewilding is distinct from more traditional forms of restoration, since it need not be pursued with the intention of re-creating some original landscape or biological system (duToit and Pettorelli 2019). A spectacular form of rewilding may be associated with efforts to resurrect some long-dead species by using genetic technology to combine the DNA of an extinct species with the DNA of some closely-related contemporary species. For a review of some of the issues about de-extinction see Minteer 2015, and also Siipi and Finkelman 2017. Cautions about thinking of de-extinction as radically different from more conventional conservation and restoration practices are expressed in Novak 2018.

By contrast to the focus on wild places, relatively little attention has been paid to the built environment, although this is the one in which most people spend most of their time. In post-war Britain, for example, cheaply constructed new housing developments were often poor replacements for traditional communities. They have been associated with lower amounts of social interaction and increased crime compared with the earlier situation. The destruction of highly functional high-density traditional housing, indeed, might be compared with the destruction of highly diverse ecosystems and biotic communities. Likewise, the loss of the world’s huge diversity of natural languages has been mourned by many, not just professionals with an interest in linguistics. Urban and linguistic environments are just two of the many “places” inhabited by humans. Some philosophical theories about natural environments and objects have potential to be extended to cover built environments and non-natural objects of several sorts (see King 2000, Light 2001, Palmer 2003, while Fox 2007 aims to include both built and natural environments in the scope of a single ethical theory). Certainly there are many parallels between natural and artificial domains: for example, many of the conceptual problems involved in discussing the restoration of natural objects such as landscapes and ecosystems also appear in the parallel context of restoring human-made objects such as buildings and works of art (Vogel 2015).

Lovers of wilderness sometimes consider the high human populations in some developing countries as a key problem underlying the environmental crisis. Rolston (1996), for instance, claims that (some) humans are a kind of planetary “cancer”. He maintains that while “feeding people always seems humane, ... when we face up to what is really going on, by just feeding people, without attention to the larger social results, we could be feeding a kind of cancer.” This remark is meant to justify the view that saving nature should, in some circumstances, have a higher priority than feeding people. But such a view has been criticized for seeming to reveal a degree of misanthropy, directed at those human beings least able to protect and defend themselves (see Attfield 1998, Brennan 1998a). The empirical basis of Rolston’s claims has been queried by work showing that poor people are often extremely good environmental managers (Martinez-Alier 2002). Guha’s worries about the elitist and “missionary” tendencies of some kinds of deep green environmentalism in certain rich western countries can be quite readily extended to theorists such as Rolston (Guha 1999). Can such an apparently elitist sort of wilderness ethics ever be democratised? How can the psychically-reviving power of the wild become available to those living in the slums of Kolkata or São Paolo? These questions so far lack convincing answers.

Connections between environmental destruction, unequal resource consumption, poverty and the global economic order have been discussed by political scientists, development theorists, geographers and economists as well as by philosophers. Links between economics and environmental ethics are particularly well established. Work by Mark Sagoff (1988), for instance, has played a major part in bringing the two fields together. He argues that “as citizens rather than consumers” people are concerned about values, which cannot plausibly be reduced to mere ordered preferences or quantified in monetary terms. Sagoff’s distinction between people as consumers and people as citizens was intended to blunt the use of cost-benefit analysis as the final arbiter in discussions about nature’s value. Of course, spouses take out insurance on each others’ lives. We pay extra for travel insurance to cover the cost of cancellation, illness, or lost baggage. Such actions are economically rational. They provide us with some compensation in case of loss. No-one, however, would regard insurance payments as replacing lost limbs, a loved one or even the joys of a cancelled vacation. So it is for nature, according to Sagoff. We can put dollar values on a stand of timber, a reef, a beach, a national park. We can measure the travel costs, the money spent by visitors, the real estate values, the park fees and all the rest. But these dollar measures do not tell us the value of nature any more than my insurance premiums tell you the value of a human life (also see Shrader-Frechette 1987, O’Neill 1993, and Brennan 1995). If Sagoff is right, cost-benefit analysis cannot be a basis for an ethic of sustainability any more than for an ethic of biodiversity. The potentially misleading appeal to economic reason used to justify the expansion of the corporate sector has also come under critical scrutiny by globalisation theorists (see Korten 1999). These critiques do not aim to eliminate economics from environmental thinking; rather, they resist any reductive, and strongly anthropocentric, tendency to believe that all social and environmental problems are fundamentally or essentially economic. The development of ecological economics explores the scope for common ground between economists and environmental policy-makers, and also the role of environmental ethics in such discussions (Washington and Maloney 2020).

Other interdisciplinary approaches link environmental ethics with biology, policy studies, public administration, political theory, cultural history, post-colonial theory, literature, geography, and human ecology (for some examples, see Norton, Hutchins, Stevens, Maple 1995, Shrader-Frechette 1984, Gruen and Jamieson (eds.) 1994, Karliner 1997, Diesendorf and Hamilton 1997, Schmidtz and Willott 2002). Many assessments of issues concerned with biodiversity, ecosystem health, poverty, environmental justice and sustainability look at both human and environmental issues, eschewing in the process commitment either to a purely anthropocentric or purely ecocentric perspective (see Hayward and O’Neill 1997, and Dobson 1999 for collections of essays looking at the links between sustainability, justice, welfare and the distribution of environmental goods). The future development of environmental ethics depends on these, and other interdisciplinary synergies, as much as on its anchorage within philosophy (Dereniowska and Matzke 2014).

6. Sustainability and Climate Change

The Convention on Biological Diversity discussed in the supplementary document on Biodiversity Preservation was influenced by Our Common Future , an earlier United Nations document on sustainability produced by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED 1987). The commission was chaired by Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway at the time, and the report is sometimes known as the Brundtland Report. This report noted the increasing tide of evidence that planetary systems vital to supporting life on earth were under strain. The key question it raised is whether it is equitable to sacrifice options for future well-being in favour of supporting current lifestyles, especially the comfortable, and sometimes lavish, forms of life enjoyed in the rich countries. As Bryan Norton puts it, the world faces a global challenge to see whether different human groups, with widely varying perspectives, can perhaps “accept responsibility to maintain a non-declining set of opportunities based on possible uses of the environment”. The preservation of options for the future can be readily linked to notions of equity if it is agreed that “the future ought not to face, as a result of our actions today, a seriously reduced range of options and choices, as they try to adapt to the environment that they face” (Norton 2001: 419). Note that references to “the future” need not be limited to the future of human beings only. In keeping with the non-anthropocentric focus of much environmental philosophy, a care for sustainability and biodiversity can embrace a care for opportunities available to non-human living things.

However, when the concept “sustainable development” was first articulated in the Brundtland Report, the emphasis was clearly anthropocentric. In face of increasing evidence that planetary systems vital to life-support were under strain, the concept of sustainable development is constructed in the report to encourage certain globally coordinated directions and types of economic and social development. The report defines “sustainable development” in the following way:

Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. It contains within it two key concepts: the concept of “needs”, in particular the essential needs of the world’s poor, to which overriding priority should be given; and the idea of limitations imposed by the state of technology and social organization on the environment’s ability to meet present and future needs. Thus the goals of economic and social development must be defined in terms of sustainability in all countries—developed or developing, market-oriented or centrally planned. Interpretations will vary, but must share certain general features and must flow from a consensus on the basic concept of sustainable development and on a broad strategic framework for achieving it. (WCED 1987, Ch. 2, paragraphs 1–2)

The report goes on to argue that “the industrial world has already used much of the planet’s ecological capital. This inequality is the planet’s main ‘environmental’ problem; it is also its main ‘development’ problem” (WCED 1987, Overview, paragraph 17). In the concept of sustainable development the report combines the resource economist’s notion of “sustainable yield” with the recognition that developing countries of the world are entitled to economic growth and prosperity. The notion of sustainable yield involves thinking of forests, rivers, oceans and other ecosystems, including the natural species living in them, as a stock of “ecological capital” from which all kinds of goods and services flow. Provided the flow of such goods and services does not reduce the capacity of the capital itself to maintain its productivity, the use of the systems in question is regarded as sustainable. Thus, the report argues that “maximum sustainable yield must be defined after taking into account system-wide effects of exploitation” of ecological capital (WCED 1987, Ch. 2, paragraph 11).

There are clear philosophical, political and economic precursors to the Brundtland concept of sustainability. For example, John Stuart Mill (1848, IV. 6. 1) distinguished between the “stationary state” and the “progressive state” and argued that at the end of the progressive state lies the stationary state, since “the increase of wealth is not boundless”. Mill also recognized a debt to the gloomy prognostications of Thomas Malthus, who had conjectured that population tends to increase geometrically while food resources at best increase only arithmetically, so that demand for food will ultimately outstrip the supply (see Milgate and Stimson 2009, Ch. 7, and the discussion of Malthus in the Political Economy section of the Spring 2016 version of the entry on Mill ). Reflection on Malthus led Mill to argue for restraining human population growth:

Even in a progressive state of capital, in old countries, a conscientious or prudential restraint on population is indispensable, to prevent the increase of numbers from outstripping the increase of capital, and the condition of the classes who are at the bottom of society from being deteriorated (Mill 1848, IV. 6. 1).

Such warnings resonate with pessimism about increasing human population and its impact on the poorest people, as well as on loss of biodiversity, fresh water scarcity, overconsumption and climate change. In their controversial work The Population Bomb , Paul and Anne Ehrlich, argue that without restrictions on population growth, including the imposition of mandatory birth control, the world faced “mass starvation” in the short term (Ehrlich 1968). This prediction was not fulfilled. In a subsequent defence of their early work, the Ehrlichs declared that the most serious flaw in their original analysis “was that it was much too optimistic about the future”, and comment that “Since The Bomb was written, increases in greenhouse gas flows into the atmosphere, a consequence of the near doubling of the human population and the near tripling of global consumption, indicate that the results will likely be catastrophic climate disruption caused by greenhouse heating” (Ehrlich and Ehrlich 2009, 66). It was also in 1968 that Garrett Hardin published his much cited article on the “tragedy of the commons” arguing that common resources can always be subject to degradation and extinction in the face of the rational pursuit of self-interest. For Hardin, the increasing pressure on shared resources, and increasing pollution, are inevitable results of the fact that “there is no technical solution to the population problem” (Hardin 1968). The problem may be analysed from the perspective of the so-called prisoner’s dilemma (also see the entry on the free rider problem ). Despite the pessimism of writers at the time, and the advocacy of setting limits to population growth, there was also an optimism that echoes Mill’s own view that a “stationary state” would not be one of misery and decline, but rather one in which humans could aspire to more equitable distribution of available and limited resources. This is clear not only among those who recognize limits to economic growth (Meadows et al. 1972) but also among those who champion the move to a steady state economy (Daly 1991) or at least want to see more account taken of ecology in economics (Norgaard 1994, Rees 2020).

The Brundtland report puts less emphasis on limits than do Mill, Malthus and later writers. It depicts sustainability as a challenge and opportunity for the world to become more socially, politically and environmentally fair. In pursuit of intergenerational justice , it suggests that there should be new human rights added to the standard list, for example, that “All human beings have the fundamental right to an environment adequate for their health and well being” (WCED 1987, Annexe 1, paragraph 1). The report also argues that “The enjoyment of any right requires respect for the similar rights of others, and recognition of reciprocal and even joint responsibilities. States have a responsibility towards their own citizens and other states” (ibid., chapter 12, paragraph 83). Since the report’s publication, many writers have supported and defended the view that global and economics [normative] and economic justice require that nations which had become wealthy through earlier industrialization and environmental exploitation should allow less developed nations similar or equivalent opportunities for development especially in term of access to environmental resources (Redclift 2005). As intended by the report the idea of sustainable development has become strongly integrated into the notion of environmental conservation. The report has also set the scene for a range of subsequent international conferences, declarations, and protocols many of them maintaining the emphasis on the prospects for the future of humanity, rather than considering sustainability in any wider sense.

Some non-anthropocentric environmental thinkers have found the language of economics used in the report unsatisfactory in its implications since it already appears to assume a largely instrumental view of nature. The use of notions such as “asset”, “capital” and also the word “resources” in connection with natural objects and systems has been identified by some writers as instrumentalizing natural things which are in essence wild and free. The objection is that such language promotes the tendency to think of natural things as mere resources for humans or as raw materials with which human labour could be mixed, not only to produce consumable goods, but also to generate human ownership (Plumwood 1993, Sagoff 2004). If natural objects and systems have intrinsic value independent of their possible use for humans, as many environmental philosophers have argued, then a policy approach to sustainability needs to consider the environment and natural things not only in instrumental and but also in intrinsic terms to do justice to the moral standing that many people believe such items possess. Despite its acknowledgment of there being “moral, ethical, cultural, aesthetic, and purely scientific reasons for conserving wild beings” (WCED 1987, Overview, paragraph 53), the strongly anthropocentric and instrumental language used throughout the Brundtland report in articulating the notion of sustainable development can be criticised for defining the notion too narrowly, leaving little room for addressing sustainability questions directly concerning the Earth’s environment and its non-human inhabitants: should, and if so, how should, human beings reorganise their ways of life and the social-political structures of their communities to allow sustainability and equity not only for all humans but also for the other species on the planet?

The concern for preserving nature and non-human species is addressed to some extent by making a distinction between weaker and stronger conceptions of sustainability (Beckerman 1995). Proponents of weak sustainability argue that it is acceptable to replace natural capital with human-made capital provided that the latter has equivalent functions. If, for example, plastic trees could produce oxygen, absorb carbon and support animal and insect communities, then they could replace the real thing, and a world with functionally equivalent artificial trees would seem just as good—from an economic perpective—as one with real or natural trees in it. For weak sustainability theorists, the aim of future development should be to maintain a consistently productive stock of capital on which to draw, while not insisting that some portion of that capital be natural. Strong sustainability theorists, by contrast, generally resist the substitution of human for natural capital, insisting that a critical stock of natural things and processes be preserved. By so doing, they argue, rivers, forests and biodiverse systems are maintained, hence providing maximum options—options in terms of experience, appreciation, values, and ways of life—for the future human inhabitants of the planet (Norton 2005). The Brundtland report can also be seen as advocating a form of strong sustainability in so far as it recommends that a “first priority is to establish the problem of disappearing species and threatened ecosystems on political agendas as a major resource issue” ( ibid ., chapter 6, paragraph 57). Furthermore, despite its instrumental and economic language, the report in fact endorses a wider moral perspective on the status of and our relation to nature and non-human species, evidenced by its statement that “the case for the conservation of nature should not rest only with development goals. It is part of our moral obligation to other living beings and future generations” (WCED 1987, chapter 2, paragraph 55). Implicit in the statement is not only a strong conception of sustainability but also a non-anthropocentric conception of the notion. Over time, strong sustainability came to be focused not only on the needs of human and other living things but also on their rights (Redclift 2004, 218). In a further development, the discourses on forms of sustainability have generally given way to a more ambiguous usage, in which the term “sustainability” functions to bring people into a debate rather than setting out a clear definition of the terms of the debate itself. As globalization leads to greater integration of world economies, the world after the Brundtland report has seen greater fragmentation among viewpoints, where critics of globalization have generally used the concept of sustainability in a plurality of different ways (Sneddon, Howarth and Norgaard 2006). Some have argued that “sustainability”, just like the word “nature” itself, has come to mean very different things, carrying different symbolic meanings for different groups, and reflecting very different interests (Redclift 2004, 220). For better or for worse, such ambiguity can on occasion allow different parties in negotiations to claim a measure of agreement. For example, commenting on the connections between agricultural systems, sustainability and climate change, one writer has argued that there is exciting scope for negotiation across different world views in working out the conditions for a future sustainable form of agriculture (Thompson 2017).

Meadows’ and Daly’s arguments about the need to recognize that planetary resources are limited have continued to resonate with thinkers, especially those working in ecological economics (Daly and Farley 2011). As one author puts it, “the overriding aim [of ecological economics] ... is to seek viable responses to the biggest dilemma of our times: reconciling our aspirations for the good life with the limitations and constraints of a finite planet” (Jackson 2017, 3). While economic growth is a central focus of neoclassical economic theory (see the entry on philosophy of economics ) a minority of thinkers have joined in supporting an agenda of “de-growth” (or “degrowth”) as an alternative to what is sometimes called “growthism” (for a popular overview see Hickel 2020). From small beginnings in the late 20th century, the idea of de-growth developed from “a political slogan with theoretical implications” to become a significant challenge to the idea of sustainable development considered as a kind of sustainable growth (Martinez-Alier et al . 2010). Advocates of de-growth advocate that the transition to sustainability will be aided by pursuing de-growth instead of economic growth (D’Alisa et al. 2015, Khamara and Kronenbeg 2020). At the same time some ecological economists argue for a rejection of the anthropocentrism they claim is central to neoclassical economics and support embracing a new ecological economics that explicitly incorporates an ecological ethic (Washington and Maloney 2020). Having drawn attention to the huge impact of the human ecological footprint, Rees has gone on to gloomily ponder the kind of economics needed to deal with a situation in which “we are currently ‘financing’ economic growth by liquidating the biophysical systems upon which humanity ultimately depends” (Rees 2020, 1). He concludes that “the mainstream fantasy…...this obsession with growth, cannot end well” ( ibid. , 6). Assuming that some forms of consumption are important to a satisfying human life, some writers have explored the idea that developing more modes of virtual consumption, while reducing physical forms of consumption, might be a significant contribution to sustainable lifestyles (Pike and DesRoches 2020).

The preservation of opportunities to live well, or at least to have a minimally acceptable level of well being, is at the heart of population ethics and many contemporary conceptions of sustainability. Many people believe such opportunities for the existing younger generations, and also for the yet to arrive future generations, to be under threat from continuing environmental destruction, including loss of fresh water resources, continued clearing of wild areas, decreasing biodiversity and a changing climate thus raising questions not only about sustainability but also about environmental justice (see Gonzalez, Atapattu, and Seck 2021). Of these, climate change has come to prominence as an area of intense policy and political debate, to which applied philosophers and ethicists were slow to contribute (Heath 2021). An early exploration of the topic by John Broome shows how the economics of climate change could not be divorced from considerations of intergenerational justice and ethics (Broome 1992), and this has set the scene for subsequent discussions and analyses (see the entry on climate justice ). More than a decade later, when Stephen Gardiner analyses the state of affairs surrounding climate change in an article entitled “A Perfect Moral Storm” (Gardiner 2006), his starting point is also that ethics plays a fundamental role in all discussions of climate policy. But he argues that even if difficult ethical and conceptual questions facing climate change (such as the so-called “ non-identity problem ” along with the notion of historic injustices ) could be answered, it would still be close to politically and socially impossible to formulate, let alone to enforce, policies and action plans to deal effectively with climate change. This is due to the multi-faceted nature of a problem that involves vast numbers of agents and players. At a global level, there is first of all the practical problem of motivating shared responsibilities (see the entry on moral motivation ) in part due to the dispersed nature of greenhouse gas emissions which makes the effects of increasing levels of atmospheric carbon and methane not always felt most strongly in the regions where they originate. Add to this the fact that there is an un-coordinated and also dispersed network of agents—both individual and corporate—responsible for greenhouse gas emissions, and that there are no effective institutions that can control and limit them. But this tangle of issues constitutes, Gardiner argues, only one strand in the skein of quandaries that confronts us. There is also the fact that by and large only the future (and perhaps the current younger) generations will carry the brunt of the impacts of climate change, explaining why so many people in the current generations seem not to have strong enough incentive to act. Finally, he argues it is evident that mainstream political, economic, and ethical models are not up to the task of reaching global consensus, and in many cases not even national consensus, on how best to design and implement fair climate policies. Some consequentialist theorists, however, have argued that a form of rule consequentialism can take account of the interests of future generations who may be inhabiting a "broken world" (Mulgan 2011, 2017). Mulgan argues that by imagining a broken world of limited resources and precarious human survival, it may be possible to devise an ideal moral ooutlook that differs from the ideal code of many rule consequentialists who usually presuppose that the future will be just like the present.

However, Gardiner takes a pessimistic view of the prospects for progress on climate issues. His view includes pessimism about technical solutions, such as geoengineering as the antidote to climate problems, echoing the concerns of others that large scale interventions in—and further domination of—nature may turn out to be an even worse climate catastrophe (Gardiner 2011, ch 11, Jamieson 1996 and see also the papers in Gardiner and McKinnon 2020). A key point in Gardiner’s analysis is that the problem of climate change involves a tangle of issues, the complexity of which conspires to encourage buck-passing, weakness of will, distraction and procrastination, “mak[ing] us extremely vulnerable to moral corruption” ( ibid ., 397; cf. Gardiner 2011; see also the concept of “wicked problem” in Brennan 2004). Because of the grave risk of serious harm to current and future generations of people and other living things, our failure to take timely mitigating actions on climate issues can be seen as a major moral failing, especially in the light of our current knowledge and understanding of the problem (IPCC 2021).

In a related reinterpretation of a classic study in psychology, Russell and Bolton re-examine Milgram’s classic “obedience studies” (see the entry on the concept of evil , section 4.5). In these experiments, Milgram explored the conditions under which ordinary people would be disposed to perform evil actions (such as administering electric shocks to strangers). Russell and Bolton argue that, when properly interpreted, Milgram’s studies show that political, administrative and bureaucratic structures can lead to a general and tacit agreement for those in an advantaged situation to harm the interests of those less powerful. In Russell and Bolton’s new interpretation of the Milgram experiments, those who are in the advantaged situation are those living comfortably in wealthy countries, while the powerless are distant strangers and members of future generations. Corporate structures and long organizational chains, Russell and Bolton argue, encourage inaction, denial and diffusion of responsibility that typifies both the common responses to climate change and also the behaviour of participants in Milgram’s experiments. They conjecture that Milgram’s work thus explains the phenomenon of what they call “responsibility ambiguity” that underlies hesitancy to take action on climate change (Russell and Bolton 2019, and see also Rees 2020). While they make no mention of the work of Hannah Arendt, their analysis recalls some of Arendt’s analysis of the banality of evil (see the entry on the concept of evil , section 2.3). There appears to be scope for more empirical research and interdisciplinary study on topics such as the diffusion of responsibility and denialism. A similar analysis might also apply to inaction in the face of declining biodiversity.

John Broome tries to show some of the ways that one form of climate denialism takes, when it uses ingenious but, Broome claims, flawed reasoning to depict individuals as making no significant contribution to climate change (Broome 2019, see also McKinnon 2014). A stronger form of denialism refuses to acknowledge the fact of anthropogenic climate change at all. A puzzle remains over why much ingenuity is expended on such denial in the face of the urgent problems that now confront the world (see the entry on science and pseudo-science ). In response, some argue that the persisting denialism over the reality of the environmental and climate crises may be a product of shame or guilt over the human treatment of natural things and systems (Aaltola 2021). These emotions may interfere with and block a much-needed and honest confrontation of a frightening situation—even if it is one humans have brought upon themselves. There is also a well-known psychological phenomenon of “knowing but not knowing” which can contribute, along with other factors, to denialism (Norgaard 2011, 404, and compare the classic studyof this in Cohen 2001, ch. 2). Many countries’ initial and ongoing response to the 2020s COVID-19 pandemic, for example, appears to show that denialism, typically accompanied by widespread misinformation and unfounded hypotheses about conspiracies, may be a very human way to react in the face of a global catastrophe. Using factor analysis studies, some psychologists have claimed to demonstrate that anti-scientific views have close association with beliefs in creationism and animism. Further, they conjecture that purposive or teleological thinking is the gateway to such associations (Wagner-Egger et al. 2018). Note that the role of teleological notions in biology remains contested and subject to further research. Other research claims to show that people simply reject scientific findings that make them uncomfortable and threaten their worldviews (see Lewandowsky and Oberauer 2016).

Writers have also tried to make sense of why so much misinformation about climate change and other catastrophes is so widespread. On the part of some theorists (see McIntyre 2018), the blame for the evils of a “post-truth” era has been laid at the feet of some postmodern thinkers who endorse social epistemology . But social constructionist writers have their own diagnosis of the social forces that have given rise to the “new climatic regime” (Latour 2017), which combines science denialism and what has be called “out-of-this-world”—fanciful and over-optimistic—thinking about the human prospects for escaping climate catastrophe. One suggested remedy for these cognitve failings is to encourage the recognition that natural systems respond to human action and are not merely the material resources for economic development. It has been proposed that awareness that humans and the natural systems that support them share a dwelling place might pave the way to a new kind of “terrestrial politics” (Lenton and Latour 2018, Latour 2018). The shape of such a politics is still under-theorized, and could take many forms (Mann and Wainwright 2018). Meanwhile, some animal ethicists blame “speciesist anthropocentrism” (see the entry on the moral status of animals ) for blinding humanity to the evils of its overpopulation and denialism (Almiron and Tafalla 2019). Whatever the future holds, many thinkers insist that solving the problem of climate change is an essential ingredient of sustainability and that the alternative to decisive action may result in the degrading not only of nature and natural systems, but also of human dignity itself (see Nanda (ed.) 2011, especially chapters by Heyd, Balafrej, Gutrich and Brennan and Lo, see also section 3.4 of the entry on human rights ). As humanity faces an uncertain future of declining biodiversity and increasing extreme weather events driven by escalating planetary heating—causing suffering and alienation for humans and non-humans alike—the moral challenges listed at the start of this entry seem more pressing than ever.

Supplementary Document: Pathologies of Environmental Crisis: Theories and Empirical Research

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aesthetics: environmental | animals, moral status of | communitarianism | consequentialism | critical theory | ecology | ecology: biodiversity | ethics: virtue | feminist philosophy, interventions: ethics | globalization | justice: intergenerational | metaethics | panpsychism | respect | value: intrinsic vs. extrinsic

Acknowledgments

The authors are deeply grateful to the following people who gave generously of their time and advice to help shape the final structure of this entry: Clare Palmer, Mauro Grün, Lori Gruen, Gary Varner, William Throop, Patrick O’Donnell, Thomas Heyd, Dale Jamieson and Edward N. Zalta.

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Essay on Environment and Human Health for Students and Children

500+ words essay on environment and human health.

The environment is all that surrounds us. It can be a living or a non-living thing. It includes many forces that are physical, chemical and other natural forces. These living things live in their environment. They consistently react with it and adapt themselves according to the conditions in their environment. In the environment, there are various interactions between the animals, plants , water, soil and other living and many non-living things present in nature. Since everything is a part of this environment of something else, we use the term environment talking about various things. People in different fields use this term differently.

Importance of Environment

The environment is very important for every living being. No one can survive without the environment. It matters a lot because planet earth is the only home for human beings. It provides food, air, water and millions of other things. Humanity’s entire life-supporting system totally depends on the well-being of all the species living the earth.

We call it the biosphere. Biosphere means one global ecological system under which all living things are depending upon each other relatively. In the ecosystem or overall biosphere, there are some smaller ecosystems like the rainforests , deserts , oceans and the tundra.

An ecosystem has both living and non-living parts. It can be terrestrial or aquatic. It explains the valuing ecosystem services: towards better environmental decision making that is available through the National Academy Press. The non-living things are like soil , water, air, nutrients, and living elements are the plants, micro-organisms , animals and human beings.

A healthy ecosystem consists of all the chemical elements and nutrients that circulate in a cycle while supporting billions of species. The species helps in the process of cycling the elements when they produce any food. It also happens during their eating, going about their lives and even though their deaths. In this process creation of a variety of goods and services takes place that is very useful for human beings.

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Human Health Issues

It is very rare for children to get seriously ill without any warning. According to the symptoms of your child, you should contact your children’s pediatrician for advice on a regular basis. Time to time treatment of symptoms or usual illness can prevent your child from getting seriously affected with any disease or making that worse or turning it into an emergency.

A true emergency occurs when you believe a severe injury or any sort of illness is threatening your child or his/her life is in danger, or it might cause any permanent harm. In this scenario, one needs emergency medical treatment immediately as soon as possible. Discuss it with the doctor about what should you do in case of a true emergency.

The use of vaccines is improving the health of the children at a huge level over a very short period. Much infectious illness one is having as a child. For example, chickenpox or polio no longer affects many children in today’s time.

FAQs on Environment and Human Health

Q.1. Name some needs that are fulfilled by the environment:

Ans. There are many needs that are fulfilled by the environment. We get food, shelter, oxygen, water, sunlight, air, and many more things. The most important thing we get from the environment is food. Because we cannot survive without food.

Q.2.What should be done in the case off health illness?

Ans. Firstly, we should diagnose the problem and then go to a doctor and do proper treatment of that particular disease or illness. And then we should cure that disease according to the guidelines of the doctor.

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The environment is fundamental to human health. here’s why..

How do you make the people of the world healthier? For the longest time, the answer was to treat the myriad ailments that plague the human race.

But in recent years, experts have come to have a more expansive view of health. Many are finally acknowledging that human health is inextricably linked to the health of animals, both wild and domestic, and the health of the planet.

This philosophy is embodied in what is known as the One Health approach. It posits that people can’t be healthy if they are drinking polluted water or living side-by-side with disease carrying livestock, and calls for holistic solutions that make people, animals and the planet better off.

“The environment is an essential pillar of the One Health approach,” says Doreen Lynn Robinson, Director of Biodiversity and Land at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) “Tackling the triple planetary crisis of climate change , nature and biodiversity loss , and pollution and waste will help foster a sustainable future where people, animals and the planet can thrive together,” she says.

From 20 – 23 September, scientists, policymakers, representatives of international institutions, civil society and the private sector will gather in Cape Town, South Africa for one of the largest global forums dedicated to advancing the One Health approach.

The meeting comes ahead of the 16th Conference of the Parties to the Convention of Biological Diversity in Cali, Colombia. At this key October global gathering, countries are expected to adopt an international plan designed to bolster biodiversity and improve human health. Ahead of those gatherings, we sat down with UNEP’s Robinson to discuss the central role that the environment plays in achieving the long-term goals of One Health.

Why is it so important to include the environmental dimension in One Health?

Doreen Lynn Robinson (DR): One Health is based on the principle that you cannot have healthy people in an unhealthy environment and that the health of humans, animals and ecosystems are deeply intertwined. Addressing one aspect without considering the others will only lead to incomplete or unsustainable solutions.

The Eighth World One Health Congress will be taking place in Cape Town this month. What are some of the major issues on the agenda?

DR : One Health has traditionally been concerned mostly with public and animal health. That has sometimes come at the cost of understanding how biodiversity loss, pollution and climate change can exacerbate health risks, including the spread of antimicrobial resistance and diseases such as COVID-19 , Ebola and SARS . At the same time, the environment is the source of health solutions, as it provides the ecosystem services to offer clean water and air, nutrient rich and diverse diets and medicines.

The Cape Town congress will explore these links. There will be a session that examines how intensive livestock rearing has fostered the spread of zoonotic diseases through pathogens that jump between animals and humans.

Also on the agenda will be a session on how the overuse of antibiotics is feeding the rise of superbugs that are resistant to antibiotics. As well, the gathering will look at how to better integrate the viewpoints of women, youth and Indigenous Peoples and their communities into the One Health approach.

What is UNEP’s role in the One Health approach? DR: We know that healthy ecosystems act as natural buffers between wildlife, livestock and humans, and can reduce the chances that diseases will jump between the three groups. Unfortunately, industrial agriculture, deforestation and other human activities are shrinking natural spaces. This changes many factors tied to disease risk, including potentially driving up risks from those pathogens capable of causing a pandemic.

UNEP is the world’s leading authority on the environment, and we have spent more than five decades working to conserve, restore and sustainably use ecosystems. We’re bringing that experience to the One Health alliance , and helping countries and communities around the world rebuild their natural defense against many health threats, from disease to malnutrition to respiratory and water-borne illnesses.

How can the full implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), the landmark 2022 accord to conserve and restore the natural world, support the One Health approach and vice versa?

DR: Implementing the GBF by promoting healthy ecosystems, means unpolluted water, breathable air, non-toxic food, better management of interactions between humans and wild animals to avoid spread of disease, strengthened traditional knowledge for medicines and well-being and many other things.

One Health can contribute to achieving the targets of the framework by fostering collaboration across sectors to find solutions that achieve real co-benefits. One Health practitioners can jointly manage medical waste much better, including chemicals and plastics, so that it doesn’t wind up in our rivers and oceans. They can change farming and land use practices to reduce land degradation and halt the conversion of healthy ecosystems which are currently eating away at the very foundation for life on earth for all of us.

Later this year in Cali, Colombia leaders will gather for the 16th Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity. There, a draft Biodiversity and Health Action Plan will be presented for Member States to adopt. Can you tell us what this plan is and why it’s important?

The Biodiversity and Health Action Plan is essentially a bridge that connects the environment and human health. It will include recommendations designed to help countries bolster their biodiversity, including by protecting and restoring natural spaces, while at the same time, improving the health of people. It encourages governments to take a holistic view when making policy, including, for example, linking national health strategies with national plans to protect biodiversity. The one health approach will be important for implementation of this plan and so it is essential that parties adopt the plan at the COP.

What needs to be done to translate the principles of One Health into tangible results?

DR: We need all hands on deck. Governments must incorporate One Health principles into national policies, including through creating regulations that address the interconnection between human health, animal health and ecosystems.

We need financial investments in One Health that go well beyond a disease only focus, including funding for research and the implementation of on-the-ground projects. We need to build skills and capacities of human and animal health professionals and environmental practitioners on the One Health approach, so they can deliver critical integrated solutions in communities around the world. And we need to raise awareness about One Health, and particularly the environmental aspects, among the public.

Are you optimistic we’ll be able to do all that? Yes. Progress has already been made in a lot of these areas. But there’s no doubt we need to ramp up these efforts if we’re going to create a healthier future for all living things on this planet.

The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework The planet is experiencing a dangerous decline in nature. One million species are threatened with extinction, soil health is declining and water sources are drying up. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, sets out global targets to halt and reverse nature loss by 2030. It was adopted by world leaders in December 2022. To address the drivers of the nature crisis, UNEP is working with partners to take action in landscapes and seascapes, transform our food systems, and close the finance gap for nature.

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