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History of ecological design.

• Lydia Kallipoliti Lydia Kallipoliti Assistant Professor, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199389414.013.144
• Published online: 26 April 2018

The term ecological design was coined in a 1996 book by Sim van der Ryn and Stewart Cowan, in which the authors argued for a seamless integration of human activities with natural processes to minimize destructive environmental impact. Following their cautionary statements, William McDonough and Michael Braungart published in 2002 their manifesto book From Cradle to Cradle , which proposed a circular political economy to replace the linear logic of “cradle to grave.” These books have been foundational in architecture and design discussions on sustainability and establishing the technical dimension, as well as the logic, of efficiency, optimization, and evolutionary competition in environmental debates. From Cradle to Cradle evolved into a production model implemented by a number of companies, organizations, and governments around the world, and it also has become a registered trademark and a product certification.

Popularized recently, these developments imply a very short history for the growing field of ecological design. However, their accounts hark as far back as Ernst Haeckel’s definition of the field of ecology in 1866 as an integral link between living organisms and their surroundings ( Generelle Morphologie der Organismen , 1866); and Henry David Thoreau’s famous 1854 manual for self-reliance and living in proximity with natural surroundings, in the cabin that he built at Walden Pond, Massachusetts ( Walden; or, Life in the Woods , 1854).

Since World War II, contrary to the position of ecological design as a call to fit harmoniously within the natural world, there has been a growing interest in a form of synthetic naturalism, ( Closed Worlds; The Rise and Fall of Dirty Physiology , 2015), where the laws of nature and metabolism are displaced from the domain of wilderness to the domain of cities, buildings, and objects. With the rising awareness of what John McHale called disturbances in the planetary reservoir ( The Future of the Future , 1969), the field of ecological design has signified not only the integration of the designed object or space in the natural world, but also the reproduction of the natural world in design principles and tools through technological mediation. This idea of architecture and design producing nature paralleled what Buckminster Fuller, John McHale, and Ian McHarg, among others, referred to as world planning ; that is, to understand ecological design as the design of the planet itself as much as the design of an object, building, or territory. Unlike van der Ryn and Cowan’s argumentation, which focused on a deep appreciation for nature’s equilibrium, ecological design might commence with the synthetic replication of natural systems.

These conflicting positions reflect only a small fraction of the ubiquitous terms used to describe the field of ecological design, including green, sustain, alternative, resilient, self-sufficient, organic , and biotechnical . In the context of this study, this paper will argue that ecological design starts with the reconceptualization of the world as a complex system of flows rather than a discrete compilation of objects, which visual artist and theorist György Kepes has described as one of the fundamental reorientations of the 20th century ( Art and Ecological Consciousness , 1972).

• ecological design
• sustainability
• synthetic naturalism
• radical ecology
• world planning
• living machines

Introduction

In their 1996 book Ecological Design , pioneers of sustainable design Sim van der Ryn and Stewart Cowan argued for a seamless integration of human activities with natural processes in fields including architecture, industrial ecology, sustainable agriculture, and water treatment, pointing out the inherent flaws in design and production methods, which are normatively out of synch with the rhythms and cycles of the natural world. In their own words, ecological design is “any form of design that minimizes environmentally destructive impacts by integrating itself with living processes” (p. 18). The realization that any designed product, space, or environment has an expansive presence in the world, beyond its status as an object in materialized form, is significant; it projects and extends the presence of all things relative to larger environmental forces and the nexus of global flows.

The neologism of the term ecological design emerged in the fields of design, architecture, and planning in the late 1960s, when the widely publicized image of the whole Earth rose to cultural prominence. Several publications at the time portrayed the planet as a finite system with confined resources, projecting the effects of microactions to have an effect on the macrodynamics of the planet. Thus, in many respects, ecological design marks the rise of modern environmentalism in the post–World War II period, manifest in a sense of social activism, and with design as a remedial tool, to the prognosis of a dire future. The active mobilization of design as a tool to an end has been decidedly absent from the first environmental era at the turn of the 20th century , which promoted the fresh spirit of wilderness and the preservation of unindustrialized lands.

The turn of the 21st century has marked a new era in environmental debates. This era is ostensibly discernible in the eradication of the natural and the upsurge of the naturalized, transposing Jacques Derrida’s argumentation for language and culture to the realm of materials and cycles in the natural world (Derrida & Kamuf, 1994 ). In this light, French architecture critic and curator Frédéric Migayrou argues that the very term ecological design infers the loss of all things natural. Specifically, he writes, “ecology as a science is based on the negation of all things natural . . . This marks the end of nature as an indeterminate field of its own” (Migayrou, 2003 , p. 22).

But even beyond literary circles, the turn of the century has coincided with the rise of the term Anthropocene , which was popularized by atmospheric chemist Paul Crutzen after being coined in the 1980s by biologist Eugene Stoermer. In the Anthropocene, the planet admittedly has passed through a new geological time, whereby there are no more square inches of untouched environment; that is, humans have reshaped the Earth in its entirety. In this new material and existential condition, ecological design is not solely directed toward the ethics of the world’s salvation and the rhetoric of confinement; rather, it upraises in a variety of positions, decentralized from the human race as the protagonist in the ecosystemic equation.

Overall, the invasion of ecological anxieties into the fields of design and architecture takes many faces: from the restitution of moral values in design thinking and in the revival of an archaic humanist discourse; through the substitution of “performance” for “function,” in the restoration of a lost modernist and positivist ethos; to the poststructuralist denunciation of environmental improvement and the critical recognition of waste and pollution as having a generative potential for design.

As a circular, causal form of reasoning, ecology surfaces as an inevitable mechanism of reason in design debates and in the advocacy of unity and the common good. Yet, it has been argued that following the extensive dissemination of the term sustainability —most broadly quoted in a report by the Brundtland Commission of the United Nations in 1987 —the development of sustainability criteria and the institutionalization of policies promoting principles of sustainable design since the 1990s have most commonly served mainstream corporate values. Most prominently, the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) certification program has been critiqued consistently in various design publications as a technical classification tool that empowers capitalist production, creating a new revenue source veiled by the ethics of environmentalism.

To survey the formation of this field, three main eras will be examined in detail in this article—namely, naturalism, synthetic naturalism, and dark naturalism—each rendering the evolving perception of nature, relation to culture, and human occupation of the natural world as subjects. Here, the history of ecological design will be studied in the many faces that it has assumed since the inception of the term ecology by Ernst Haeckel. Three periods will be examined relative to evolving perceptions of nature, culture, and human occupation of the natural world: (a) naturalism ( c . 1866 –World War II); (b) synthetic naturalism (World War II– c . 1996 ); and (c) dark naturalism ( c . 1996–2017 ). Postenlightenment, the environmental debate focused on the assiduous observation and documentation of organisms, analytically classifying (and thus speculating on) the roots of the world’s living stock. In the postwar period, environmental issues were addressed through diagrams of feedback cycles; global resources were examined as interconnected systems that could be redistributed. In the 21st century , while the environmental discourse is much more diverse than in the past, it shares an investment in local data classification of living systems, similar to information clouds of data constellations online (Figure 1 ).

Figure 1. A Diagrammatic History of Ecological Design , created by Lydia Kallipoliti and Emily Klein.

Naturalism ( c . 1866–World War II)

Searching for roots, origin point: coinage of the term ecology by ernst haeckel in 1866.

The first period, unfolding approximately from the mid- 19th century until the end of World War II is tentatively characterized as “searching for roots.” This search is visual, as witnessed in the assiduous documentation of plants, trees, and their usage as genealogical systems; but it is also experiential, as seen in the long journeys of natural scientists to unearth the roots of the world’s living stock. The sustenance of wilderness has key significance during this period, as the natural setting was considered at this time a distinct “other,” outside the practice of everyday life. Naturalism is also manifest in the spirit of exploration of the open field, as well as in the intensification of ideas for interconnectedness and immersion with nature, either expressed in material terms, as in the case of Ernst Haeckel, or existential terms, as in the case of Henry David Thoreau.

The starting point for this period is the coinage of the term ecology by German zoologist Ernst Haeckel ( 1834–1919 ), who first used the word oekologie to refer to the “relation of the animal both to its organic as well as its inorganic environment” in his 1866 book The General Morphology of Organisms . Oekologie is derived from the Greek word oikos , meaning “household,” “home,” or “place of dwelling.” Thus, Haeckel’s definition of ecology amounted to the study of the relationships among living organisms and the biotic and abiotic environments that they inhabit. Various definitions and reinterpretations of Haeckel’s take on ecology have since emerged (notably Herbert Andrewartha and Louis Charles Birch’s 1954 definition, which considers the distribution and abundance of organisms as an important addendum), although all of them recognize ecology as the study of interrelationships between organisms and the environment (Andrewartha & Birch, 1986 ).

This period, which may be characterized as the prehistory of ecological design, is manifest in visual maps that illustrate and speculate on the order and roots of the natural world, such as Ernst Haeckel’s famous genealogical tree and Johann Wolfgang Goethe’s Urpflanze , the Archetypal Plant (Figures 2 and 3 ). At the time, nature still held a sublime quality, signifying a terrain distant from language. The natural world was seen primarily as wilderness, which was to be observed, conserved, and imagined as separate from the artificial. Goethe’s and Haeckel’s persistence in drawing trees and roots and conjecturing them as visual analogs for the classifications of organisms is largely settled in the tradition of German Romanticism, whereby the eminence of the soil, the landscape, and the ideology of nationalism provides the basis of ecological thinking. In the search for roots, the notion of ecology was associated with a longing for rootedness, a type of hermeneutics of phenomenology, before phenomenology was founded as a philosophical movement by Edmund Husserl.

Figure 2. In 1837, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe illustrated in The Urpflanze his notion of an ancestral and archetypal mother plant that takes on different forms in response to varying climactic conditions.

Figure 3. Ernst Haeckel’s presentation of a three-kingdom system in the 1866 G enerelle Morphologie der organismen (Geneological Tree).

During this period, naturalists and architects did not attempt to represent and draw visually natural processes and cycles, but rather mostly to design spaces and environments that could be integrated within natural forces in an abstract empirical way. Integration, moreover, was expressed in the very idea of rootedness, both organizationally and iconographically, with plants and organisms serving as inspirational models for artificial structures.

It is important to note here that the origin of the history of ecological design is obfuscating at best. The small fraction of protagonists and theories included in the first part of this study is focused on the origins of transference of various ideas from ecology, biology, physiology, and natural history to design, rather than the distinctive rise of a new field. In fact, as the ecologist and historian of ecology Robert P. McIntosh ( 1985 ) argues in his book The Background of Ecology , the proliferation of various terms in the 19th century evidences an epistemological conflation of the field of ecology with biology, physiology, and natural history. As he points out, even Haeckel, who introduced the word ecology , felt it necessary to specify that “the terms biology and ecology are not interchangeable” (Haeckel, 1891 ). In this light, “naturalism” and “the search for roots” focus on “protoecological design ideas,” borrowing the term protoecologist (Voorhees, 1983 ), to describe ecological insights before a formal science of ecology was formulated.

The conflation of terms is testament to the conflation of philosophical and effectually existential positions as to the boundaries and accountabilities of ecological design as an emerging field. Questions of whether ecological design is mechanical or organic, active or passive, holistic or fragmented, conscious or unconscious are narrated by McIntosh to pronounce the origins of the field of ecology, and they still preoccupy contemporary debates of ecological design agency. If ecology has been critiqued, nevertheless, for its adherence to observation, description, and an inductive approach to science (McIntosh, 1985 ), as has natural science, ecological design marks the passage from the observation of natural systems to the intentional instrumentation of new systems as active agents. William Coleman, a historian of science, argues that in the 19th century , biologists switched from historical examination to experimental investigation with physiology; likewise, design has introduced to ecology intentionality, purposiveness, and meddling with natural systems, either by imitation, replication, regulation, or speculative representation (Coleman, 1978 ).

Taxonomists

In many respects, the history of ecology is rooted as much in the history of classification of the world’s living stock as in the recognition of feedback, evidenced in Ernst Haeckel’s annunciation that organisms live in cohort with larger environmental forces. The ubiquity of ecological concerns such as these that have unfolded since the 19th century illustrate a persistent taxonomical thinking as a type of design endeavor, where the observation and analysis of plants and organisms are given form and value. Therefore, it is significant to witness that even before the application of language in the representation of ecosystems and the feedback cycles of their respective subsystems, the permeation of taxonomical organizational tools in the field of ecology has not been a neutral documentation of the world’s living stock. Classification is not merely about facilitating and managing knowledge; it also transforms the nature and the constitution of the systems at play and is in fact a type of design activity. The classification of ecosystems has not simply illustrated analytically what the world is made of, but also illustrated what the world should be, according to the worldview of each author. As Peter Stevens ( 1994 ) argues, classifications came to be treated as conventions; systematic practice was not linked to clearly articulated theory; there was general confusion over the shape of nature; botany, elements of natural history, and systematics were conflated; and systematics took a position near the bottom of the hierarchy of sciences.

This line of inquiry is rooted in the work of 18th-century Swedish botanist, physician, and zoologist Carl Linnaeus, known as the “father of modern taxonomy,” and later in the influential taxonomical systems of the French botanist Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu and the Swiss botanist Augustin Pyramus de Candolle in the 19th century . Parallel to these classification drawings, the geovisualization mountain drawings of German naturalist and intrepid explorer Alexander von Humboldt inspired the young Charles Darwin. Von Humboldt sought to unveil a mapping of the complex interrelationships and interdependences of plants and organisms and to render nuanced spatial distributions that underlie the natural world. Arguably, his drawings were not simply demonstrative of such distributions, but also inventive and formative, as a means to advance how certain connections might be identified (Wulf, 2016 ).

Finally, it is in the work of Ernst Haeckel that one might detect visual form in the concept of evolution. In these parallel lines of investigation, it is discernible that Linnaeus represents the old episteme of classifying the natural world, with classes primarily based on formal resemblances and organizations primarily based on a bottom-down hierarchy. Humboldt and Haeckel, on the other hand, represent new positions in classifying the natural world (at the time), as an interlinked network of relationships between organisms. Moreover, these two authors use inventively and formatively the medium of drawing, thus allowing the medium to develop a relationship with itself.

In particular, Linnaeus’s exhaustive catalog of work in Systema Naturae in 1735 classified 4,400 species of animals and 7,700 species of plants and introduced the conventional binomial nomenclature that is still used to classify species. His outlines of the animal, plant, and mineral kingdoms were the only visual expressions that he produced to explain these taxonomic relationships. Artists during his time produced illustration plates of the species and orders that he established, but Linnaeus produced only outlines, names, and textual descriptions. In The Order of Things , Michel Foucault ( 1966 ) argues that “by identifying plant objects through plainly expressed written codification than through illustration, ‘emptied [them] of all resemblances, cleansed even of their colors.’”

It is important to emphasize that Linnaeus believed he was chosen by God to classify a fixed number of species on Earth and to document God’s static and perfect natural order. Linnaeus’s grid was reflective of classical systems of organizing and dictating space with column orders, which were themselves static objects and whose species could be classified by their shared physical characteristics. This grid of codification was simple and direct, giving equal privilege to each part, and could essentially be used by anyone anywhere and result in the same observations. The abundance of plant species studied during the time of the naturalists was due not to a greater interest in plant life over animal life, but the fact that the taxonomic hierarchy privileged organs that were visible as such (Ayub, 2011 ). Linnaeus asserted a stronger sense of hierarchy in his taxonomy of what he considered the three kingdoms of the natural world: animal, plant, and mineral. While the latter two have been mostly dismissed, his ordering system for animals and the binomial nomenclature for naming organisms remain the standardized format in modern biology, even as Linnaeus denied any belief in evolution. The clarity and stability of his system were such that Charles Darwin used it as direct evidence of his theory of descent from a common ancestor through natural selection.

On the other hand, Humboldt expanded representational taxonomical formats to become ecological in Haeckel’s sense of the term, relating organism and environment through imagery in such a way that had not been seen before. He depicted scenes and phenomena from his expeditions through the Americas in novel ways, taking cross sections of volcanoes and mapping isothermal regions. He visually tied the distribution of life to varying physical and environmental conditions, and popularized the notion of an ecologically interconnected world. Humboldt’s “Essay on the Geography of Plants” in 1805 includes many of his most famous drawings, including the Chimborazo Map—an image of a volcano in section, with annotative information on the surrounding plant geography. His isothermal map suggests a global ecology bound not by political delineations, but by a world of patterns and processes of environmental flows. In his final years, Humboldt painted his portrait of nature in the massive treatise Cosmos ( 1845–1862 ), a romantic perspective on the harmony of the universe, which has since revived the term cosmos in popular discourse.

Haeckel is possibly the most controversial and pivotal figure of this period, having coined, along with ecology , the terms anthropogeny (the study of human origins), phylum (the taxonomic rank between kingdom and class), and phylogeny (the study of evolutionary relatedness among organisms via morphological data). In addition, he gave astounding form to thousands of organisms in his milestone work Kunstformen der Natur (Art Forms in Nature), which he published in 10 installments between 1899 and 1904 (Figure 4 ). Prior to this vast body of work crossbreeding science and art, Haeckel’s genealogical tree marked a substantial paradigm shift in visual mapping from the Hippodamian gridded classification tables of his predecessor, Carl Linnaeus, in Systema Naturae . Whereas Linnaeus established the normative method of naming and numbering the world’s living wealth in boxes, Haeckel’s genealogical tree graphically depicted the relationships among organisms, introducing shape and scale as decisive parameters for his classification system.

Haeckel’s fervent disapproval of religion and church extended to his condemnation of Linnaeus’s popularity. Before Darwin and Haeckel, the predominant orientation of belief was that all things were fixed and timeless in their existence. Haeckel’s conception of ecology and classification transformed the collective conception of time, and also allowed more than one type of organizational system to be overlaid upon his phylogenic tree. While taxonomy and phylogeny belong to completely different systems of logic, they have remained in relatively mutual coexistence until today, as modern biology uses a combination of both approaches to differentiate and classify (Ayub, 2011 ).

Figure 4. German zoologist and artist Ernst Haeckel published an image-laden monograph of radiolarians, detailing their intricate skeletons, in Kunstformen der Natur (1904).

Evolutionists

Charles Darwin’s Theory of Evolution (Darwin, 1859 ) has been enormously influential to the development of environmental theories at the turn of the 20th century , not only for naturalists and biologists, but also for architects, designers, and planners who transplanted biological evolution directly to formal principles as well as social structures. In particular, D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson’s On Growth and Form (Thompson, 1917 ), published the result of his studies of morphology, arguing that the forms of plants and animals could be analyzed with inordinate precision via geometry (Figure 5 ). Thompson’s visual documentation of growth and physical processes as studies of an evolving morphological character has been of considerable relevance to designers near the end of the 21st century , particularly in reference to the question of “variation,” which emerged at the time when digital media were introduced in the design process in the early 1990s.

Most notably, Thompson has been cited by Greg Lynn in his studies on the Embryological House in the late 1990s (Lynn, 1999 ), with Lynn’s survey of housing variations being derivative from a system of dynamic forces shaped by flows of energy and stages of growth from a digital seed. Arguably, Louis Sullivan, American architect, at the turn of the 20th century , had similar concerns about the inherent transformation power of geometrical entities that, to Sullivan, were only containers of energy upon which a liberating will is imposed by the free choice, intelligence, and skill of human beings. Although his writings mostly have been associated with the history of ornamentation (Sullivan, 1924 ), his drawings on the “Awakening of the Pentagon” are testament to his obsessive search for the inner force of the seed-germ that would allow the designer to animate otherwise-inert geometrical forms. Although these authors have not by any account been referenced as ecological designers, their contribution to expanding the design process and comprehending larger environmental forces has been seminal.

Figure 5. Transformation of Argyropelecus olfersi into Sternoptyx diaphana . Scottish biologist D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson analyzed the shapes, forms, and scales of animals and plants in On Growth and Form (1917), bringing mathematical measure and grids to the study of biology.

Unlike D’Arcy Thompson, who applied evolutionary theory directly to geometry and morphology, other so-called evolutionists cast a wider net in transposing evolution onto social structures, environments, and the complex networks of interrelationships between the material constitution of environmental forces, civic life, and built forms. Two of the most eminent members of this group were Patrick Geddes, a Scottish biologist turned pioneer town planner, and Frederick John Kiesler, an Austrian-American architect, theater designer, and sculptor. Although Geddes and Kiesler did not cognitively position themselves as ecological designers, their work has been profoundly influential on expanding the process of design beyond the making of determinate products. Both men were invested in engaging with larger environmental forces inherent in the design process of any object, space, or city and, most important, in integrating civic life and culture as part of a larger ecosystem of forces accountable for design.

Geddes claimed a homology between nature and the city in his seminal book Cities in Evolution: An Introduction to the Town Planning Movement and to the Study of Civics in 1915 . He thought of both cities and natural settings as ecosystems involving the flow of energy, matter, and human and nonhuman organisms. Largely influenced by Darwin’s Theory of Evolution , Geddes studied the city as an ecology and transposed the method of biological taxonomy toward the classification of all elements comprising the collective living stock of the city, including not only environmental forces, but also humans and activities of civic life. His dynamic classification studies are evident in his compelling diagrams of the city, which he described as “thinking machines.” Most notably, in the “Notation of Life,” he visualized dialectic relationships between the individual, the collective, and the natural, with the ambition of facilitating a reflective model for urban organization fit for humanity as a dynamic species (Figure 6 ).

Figure 6. Patrick Geddes, “The Notation of Life,” as published in 1927.

In Geddes’s work, the city can be seen as both a long-term structure and a dynamically volatile environment. In this light, the relationship between the biological and the urban does not mark an opposition between human artifices and nature, but rather the organization of a system through dynamic flux where no optimal future form could be presumed. Geddes’s city in evolution is not striving for equilibrium or marching toward a predetermined ideal state, but he acknowledged an unstable and changing environment, thus questioning a concept of teleology similar to Darwin’s evolutionary biology. However, unlike Darwin, who emphasized natural selection and the struggle for existence, Geddes believed that humans, with their ideals, ethics, perceptions, and activities, supersede their evolutionary nature by virtue of reason, and that this feedback loop pushes societies to evolve further. He thus argued for a type of coevolution based on synergy and cooperation independent of natural selection, evident in his triad “Work-Place-Folk,” which underlines the evolution of the city over time.

Geddes’s concept of coevolution can be related to Frederick Kiesler’s theories on correalism , which he defined as “the dynamics of continual interaction between man and his natural and technical environments” (Kiesler, 1939 , p. 61). Kiesler believed that life was composed of interacting forces among three environments: the human, the natural, and the technological, all of which are constantly in flux; thus, Kiesler thought that correality was the manifestation of their interrelationships. However, as the natural environment constantly changed, so did the needs of humans, affecting the output tools of technological environment like a domino.

To translate Kiesler’s theoretical speculations of correalism into design principles, he paralleled it with the terms biotechnique and continuous construction , which he defined as design and construction methods that deny the notion of assembly and joinery in an attempt to imitate the continuous properties of nature, making for “higher resistance, higher rigidity, easier maintenance, and lower costs” (Kiesler, 1939 , p. 67). Throughout his career, Kiesler turned to biotechnique and continuous construction as his “repeated answer to the architectural crisis of authenticity” (Kiesler, 1934 ). Projects such as his Space House, Endless House, and Mobile-Home-Library are direct experiments to translate his theories into practice.

Immersionists

American transcendentalist writers and philosophers, including Henry David Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and John Muir, began to articulate a national identity through their writings on the natural landscapes of the country, bolstered by tales of the untainted wilderness from people visiting, documenting, and settling westward. Transcendentalist thought linked divine spirituality to the awe-inspiring, scenic views and wonders of nature that drifted eastward as tales on the tongues of traveling Americans. In addition to inspiring a reverence for the sanctity of nature, the transcendentalists alerted the American conscience to the ongoing harm to the natural world caused by human activity. Thoreau in particular asserted that greater meaning could be found through experience alongside nature, and that humans live their best lives as individuals and societies when cognizant of the values of the wilderness. Their works gave birth to the preservation movement and sowed the seeds for a modern environmentalism to emerge in the 20th century .

For many critics, Thoreau’s book Walden , published in 1854 as a report of his stay at Walden Pond for nearly a decade as an experiment in transcendental pastoralism, signals the commencement of ecological awareness. According to historian Leo Marx, Thoreau took seriously what Emerson has called the “method of nature” and adopted in his writing the tone of a hard-headed empiricist (Marx, 1964 , p. 243), describing life as it actually occurred. His reports not only of idyllic landscapes, but also of negative experiences, allegedly brought him as a subject closer to nature, which according to Marx has become the psychic root of all American pastoralism—genuine and spurious. The spirit of this raw intensity and investment in the natural sublime setting has identified American culture. In Marx’s words: “The soft veil of nostalgia that hangs over our urbanized landscape is largely a vestige of the once dominant image of an undefiled, green republic, a quiet land of forests, villages and farms dedicated to the pursuit of happiness” (Marx, 1964 , p. 6).

The heir of this belief, that nature withholds divine qualities, is the celebrated American architect Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright identified nature with a capital N , to replace God (Wright, 1957 ), and thought of architecture as subservient to its magnitude. His holistic ideas and his conception of form determined “by way of the nature of materials, the nature of purpose” are exemplified in his famous Fallingwater Residence built in 1935 in Mill Run, Pennsylvania (Wright, 1939 , p. 3). Fallingwater, one of the most significant buildings of American architecture, was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1966 .

In 1939 , Wright visited London and gave four lectures at the Royal Institute of British Architects, where he didactically summarized the ideas manifest in his built work over the years under the rubric of “organic architecture.” Organicism was for Wright not only a design approach, but also a distinctively American worldview and an approach to a democratic political regime, projecting a mythical dimension to society. The same year, his lectures were published verbatim in a treatise entitled An Organic Architecture: The Architecture of Democracy , where this characteristic quote appears: “So here I stand before you preaching organic architecture: declaring organic architecture to be the modern ideal and the teaching so much needed if we are to see the whole of life, and to now serve the whole of life, holding no ‘traditions’ essential to the great TRADITION. Nor cherishing any preconceived form fixing upon us either past, present or future, but—instead—exalting the simple laws of common sense—or of super-sense if you prefer—determining form by way of the nature of materials” (Wright, 1939 , p. 3) Wright’s ideas on human relationships, institutions, and the harmonization of modern space with nature were evident prior to his annunciation of organic architecture in his most visionary project, Broadacre City, which he worked on throughout most of his professional lifetime. Broadacre City projected for Wright Thomas Jefferson’s dream of a nation of farmers, proposing to give an acre of land to each citizen to form an idyllic farm community.

The continuation of American transcendentalist thought also can be evidenced in the philosophy of deep ecology , a term coined by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess in 1973 (Naess, 1973 ). For Næss, deep ecology is a philosophy of ecology that finds all living beings inherently equal and having significant value. In this philosophy, the human disruption of ecosystems is detrimental not only to the disturbed organisms, but to humans as well, due to the upset of natural order.

Biofunctionalists

The bond between Romanticism and modern science is nowhere more evident than in the formative years of the Staatliches Bauhaus in Weimar, Germany, and in the aspirations of its founder, Walter Gropius, to unify the arts into a coherent and indivisible whole. In his proclamation of the Bauhaus school in 1919 , Gropius advocates for an organic reunification of architecture, painting, and sculpture accompanied by Lyonel Feininger’s woodcut, where interlacing rays join in a mountainous edifice, strikingly similar to Bruno Taut’s treatise drawings of an “Alpine Architecture,” published a little earlier than the announcement of the Bauhaus manifesto.

The idea of unity with nature that the Bauhaus proclaimed does not lie far from the sermons of American transcendentalists and the organicism of Frank Lloyd Wright. What is distinct, nevertheless, is the belief that the unity of nature is to be literally transferred and reconstructed in artificial edifices, in complex incarnations of biological systems. Historians Peder Anker and Oliver A. I. Botar have used the terms biocentrism and biofunctionalism to reference the idea of an irrefutable functional utility found in biological organisms and complex systems that was pronounced across a wide spectrum of individual teachers at the Bauhaus, including Oskar Schlemmer, Paul Klee, Johannes Itten, Wassily Kandinsky, and Mies van der Rohe, and, most prominently, in the biological references made by the Hungarian visual artist László Moholy-Nagy.

The leaders of the Bauhaus, who were complicit in modernist organicism, were in fact resurging through the prism of modern science a premodern notion of nature hailing from the Romantic period of the 19th century . Aiming toward balance, harmony, and health, this premodern, Romantic understanding assumes a healable and—when properly managed—harmonic interaction between an organism and its environment (Moore & Lopez-Durand, 2010 ). Botar ( 2017 ) argued that biocentrism can be cast as the forerunner of today’s benign environmentalism, espousing a monist, neovitalist, and ecological view of the world.

Moholy-Nagy’s disposition in adapting natural systems to technical artifacts and advancing this analogy toward environmental amelioration was introduced to him in the book Plants as Inventors , by the Hungarian-Austrian soil biologist Raoul Francé. Francé is regarded as one of the founders of the discipline that is now called Bionics , but the actual term that he coined was Biotechnik ( biotechnique ), having consistently analyzed plants and the possibility of plants to offer solutions to technical problems (Figure 7 ). The writings of Francé were pervasive in the Bauhaus and heavily influenced other leaders, particularly Wassily Kandinsky and Paul Klee, who were (as Botard argues) vitalist and monist organicists viewing the world and its components as nested hierarchies of organisms animated by an ineffable life-force (Botar, 2017 ).

Figure 7. Austro-Hungarian botanist and microbiologist Raoul Heinrich Francé pioneered the analysis of plant forms and structures to find solutions to human technical problems, one of the first formal forays into biomimetic design , in Die Pflanze als Erfinder (1920).

An early complex-systems thinker, Francé designed pods, cones, and single-celled organisms like artifacts and attributed a functionalist character to natural systems, advocating that the inorganic and organic are one. Ecological oneness, sometimes referred to as holism , would ameliorate the living conditions of designed environments. Francé’s monism suggested that there is one substance, one interconnected unity in the agency of all life forms. Monism was also a philosophy supported by the biologist Johann Jakob von Uexküll, manifest in his most notable contribution, the notion of Umwelt , which was used later by the semiotician Thomas Sebeok and the philosopher Martin Heidegger. In his extensive studies of animal behavior, von Uexküll described Umwelt as a self-world that an organism composes, both perceptually and materially, to live inside and act as a subject. To construct the Umwelt , the external and internal forces of life are unified by the organism in a single entity that the architect Caroline O’ Donnell describes as a bubble (O’Donnell, 2015 ).

For certain Bauhaus leaders, the inherent functionalism of natural organisms signaled more than compositional concerns for harmony and nested hierarchies that unify layers of the natural world; it revealed an underlying belief in improving human evolutionary fitness, as well as environmental living conditions through ecological design (Anker, 2010 ). This conviction, that the design of the environment may be a vehicle for the amelioration of the human race, deviates slightly from the mainstream biofunctionalist discourse, wherein the biological metaphor is seen as paradigmatic for science, society, and aesthetics. Anker ( 2001 ) argues that ecological thinking and the normative policies of environmental order veil eugenic and nationalist tendencies, which were at work in the liberal mechanism of the British ecologist Arthur George Tansley and the holistic ecology of the South African statesman Jan Christian Smuts. Through the combination of design, technology, natural order and managerial politics, the discourse of ecological design at the turn of the century was perceived on many fronts as a new form of humanism, comparable to Marxism and Christianity, or the next opiate for the masses, as Slavoj Žižek has famously argued (Žižek, 2008 ).

Synthetic Naturalism ( c . 1966–2000)

Searching for “systems”, origin point: the view of the whole earth in 1966.

The second period, unfolding approximately from the end of World War II until the end of the 20th century , is tentatively called the period of the system, with the term system referring to ecological design as the planned redistribution of global resources. The period succeeding World War II signaled the rise of a modern environmental era, distinctly different from preservation rallies for the fresh spirit of wilderness in the 19th and early 20th centuries . In the 1960s and 1970s, ecologists appropriated the prevalent social and political discourse of a closed, ill-managed planet heading toward evolutionary bankruptcy, arguing that their science provided the most faithful account of civilizational values. With mounting alerts of worldwide pollution levels, the implosion of cities, and the physical downfalls of economic growth, such as the production of excessive waste flows, environmentalism displayed a sense of social activism by means of the vigilant redistribution of global resources. Toward this line of thinking, Buckminster Fuller, John McHale, and Ian McHarg played a seminal role, explaining ecosystems by parallels between the Earth and human processes (McHarg, 1969 ).

The starting point for this period is the highly publicized image of the whole Earth, which was anticipated throughout the 1960s and eventually reached its apogee in the famous Earthrise series taken by Apollo 8 in 1968 . With this collective mirroring of humanity circumscribed in the finite space of the Earth, this image accentuated the convergence between the fields of ecology and cybernetics following World War II. The material reality of the Earth called for the mobilization of cross-disciplinary tools for the purpose of global information and systems control. Previous concepts of nature’s flawless preservation, as separated from the urban milieu, engendered a novel naturalism of “synthetic naturalism” or “artificial ecology,” where the functions and operations of nature were copied as precise analogs in artificial systems. This signaled the end of nature as an autonomous field and the rise of ecological design as a replication of self-organizing cyclical systems instrumentalized through technological mediation (Kallipoliti, 2013 ).

Burdened with Le Corbusier’s metaphor of a “machine for living” in the 1920s, the rise of ecological design in the 1960s and 1970s announced the building as a performative machine and as a tool to address and harness the disturbances of the planetary reservoir due to rising levels of pollution and overall environmental degradation. This modality of reasoning for ecological design, which was prevalent followed World War II, foreshadowed a new, modernist ethos, with function replaced by environmental performance , although this directive was now devoid of a tectonic expression and a set of form-giving strategies, contrary to the distinctive formal language of early modernism at the turn of the century.

These paradigm shifts were very much related to the ecologist’s appropriation of a very specific scientific language and a set of classification tools used by cyberneticians in the postwar period. By diagramming the flow of energy in the natural world as input and output—circuits in a cybernetic ecosystem—cyberneticians provided ecologists with new research techniques and a new biologically informed, but also a computational theory of reading the world as a system composed of subsystems. The prolific brothers Eugene and Howard Odum were major contributors in this direction, as they have promoted via their numerous publications their concern with systems rather than individual environmental factors or organisms. Even more, they have pioneered the visualization of ecosystems as a language that could be broken down into components, pieces, and their feedback similarly to electrical circuits.

According to historian Peder Anker, Howard Odum’s “methodological reductionism of all biological life (including human behavior) to charts of energy circuits became the justification for his proposals for scientific management of human society” (Anker, 2010 , p. 99). In the 1950s, Howard Odum invented “Energese”—Energy Systems Language—to instrumentalize ecosystems, as well as human agency, in terms of input and output during studies of the tropical forests funded by the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission. This representational language for ecological simulation models, derivative from electronic circuits, has become the primary tool for architects to visualize performance and energy flow using arrows of feedback (Figure 8 ).

Figure 8. Howard Odum’s energy-flow diagram for an aquatic ecosystem, an example of an early metabolic (energy-flow) diagram for an aquatic ecosystem.

World Planners

In his work throughout the 1960s, sociologist and futurist John McHale has observed a substantial shift in the very nature of the design process; he argued that in a new age of intensive industrialization, design involves the design of the planet itself (i.e., the entirety of the planetary surface within which life proliferates). In his seminal book The Future of the Future in 1969 , he wrote that “man has enlarged his ecological niche to include the whole planet.” McHale was an associate for Buckminster Fuller, arguably the single most significant predecessor of ecological design in the 20th century . In the “World Design Science Decade,” directed by Fuller and McHale, the goal was to diagnose a physiological flowchart of planetary resources, a vast and comprehensive reshuffling endeavor, which took cognitive analytical form in McHale’s second book The Ecological Context , as well as in a different route in Ian McHarg’s seminal book Design with Nature .

The World Design Science Decade was a research program that originated with Buckminster Fuller’s proposal to the International Union of Architects (IUA) at their VIIth Congress in London in July 1961 . Fuller proposed that architectural schools around the world should be encouraged by the IUA to invest over the next 10 years into solving the problem of how to make the total world’s resources serve 100% of humanity through competent design, despite a continuing decrease of metal resources per capita. In 1961 , the total of the world’s resources served only 40% of humanity (Buckminster Fuller Institute, 2012 ). On the one hand, these authors were earnestly utilizing design as a tool of systemic management to address social equity and fair distribution of food globally; on the other hand, their vision of the totality of the Earth, which could or should serve as a stage of action, envisioned a new empire and reasoned backward to a colonial and empirical modality.

In many respects, Fuller’s, McHarg’s, and McHale’s work envisaged an idealized systemic analysis of the universe where all patterns could be imagined as interlinked, engraved as subsystems of systems in a master plan of natural order. All elements could recur in different scales, nested within one another. “This was essentially the same notion of organizational unity—from the intergalactic to the subatomic level—that was expressed at the same time by Charles and Ray Eames in their film Powers of Ten of 1968 ” (Reinhold, 2001 , p. 42). This holistic vision of the world, evident in his insistence on the latent connectivity of all physical forces, can be viewed as foundational for Ludwig von Bertalanffy’s General Systems Theory in the 1950s, presupposing the universe—now a system of systems—not only as a model for theoretical biology and the hard sciences, but also as a description of society itself (Bowker, 1990 ).

The countless geopolitical statistics and data that populated the writings of Buckminster Fuller and John McHale depict their conviction that only through advanced systems management could one begin to deal with the daunting environmental complexity of the planet Earth. Toward this substantial undertaking—the management production of new principles for habitation—the interdisciplinary field of cybernetics seemed to offer a viable solution. Actually, cybernetics was more of a necessity than a choice for futurist world planners, in order to assess the “magnitude of a complex planetary society” (McHale, 1969 , p. 110). Cybernetics granted the architect—the global planner—versatile tools to segment and systematize nebulous data effectively for the benefit of design. At the same time, beyond the logistics of useful information operators, cybernetics’ alleged convergence of living systems and machines provided a credible cultural safety net, in alliance with the ecological zeitgeist of the time (Kallipoliti, 2013 ).

To this end, the Odum brothers have popularized cybernetic methods to describe ecosystems. They translated this ecosystems approach, which Eugene Odum also terms the “whole before-the parts” approach, to city planning and an analysis of Earth’s systems as they relate to generations of human life (Odum, 1967 ). The Odums advocated the science of ecology (predominantly the study of ecosystems) as the key to understanding and managing Earth’s systems for the good of humanity and all its life forms. In Relationship of Energy and Complexity in Planning ( 1972 ), Howard T. Odum explicitly expanded on the notion of planning as human ecology that was first touched upon by Patrick Geddes in his 1915 book Cities in Evolution . This regional planning of land-use activities is holistic and comprehensive, much like the strategy to achieve informed management of the environment and Earth’s resources for which Eugene P. Odum argues in Ecology and Our Endangered Life-Support Systems ( 1989 ). The Odums furthered the principles of holistic systems ecology and provided the scientific basis for approaching planning as applied human ecology.

In the context of the Vietnam War in the 1960s and the unsettling atmosphere of rising levels of pollution globally, “dropping out” of cities was a survival mechanism for thousands of young intellectuals in the United States following Timothy Leary’s advice to “Turn on, tune in, and drop out.” Many took Leary’s advice to heart, rejecting the establishment of the political scene and translating quite literally his call to abandon urban life by establishing alternative living communities in remote areas. One of the most notable examples is Drop City, a community of geodesic domes made from car parts, which was founded in Trinidad, Colorado, in 1965 . Along with Drop City, several other communes were established in the southwestern United States as ecological, living laboratories, able to sustain themselves and cut off from the main urban networks; communes were to recycle their waste, produce and distribute energy, and achieve a degree of autonomy in a restored equilibrium with nature.

The emergence of the “do-it-yourself” culture in the network of these living communities was fostered by the Whole Earth Catalog , envisioned by its creator, Stewart Brand, as a planetary system of free information distributed throughout the Earth’s territory. The open-source character of the Whole Earth Catalog was claimed by Brand as “access to tools.” Jay Baldwin, Brand’s long-standing collaborator and also a graphic designer, inventor, and creative builder, recalls the use of the word tools as being detached from any sense of utility. Baldwin was a former student of Buckminster Fuller and a leading figure in incorporating solar, wind, and other renewable sources of energy in the design of habitats.

Overall, the Whole Earth Catalog instigated the production of several “do-it-yourself” instruction manuals that certain communes produced, including Steve Baer’s Dome Cookbook and ZomePrimer , Lloyd Kahn’s Domebook 1&2 and Shelter , Antfarm’s Inflatocookbook , and Sim van der Ryn and Peter Calthorpe’s Farallones Scrapbook . One could argue that the emergent practice of ecological design was coupled with a specific building language, structured as an open-source living code. Writing open-source design code on how to create a shelter was by no means a neutral agent of recording a building process that was already predetermined and consequently executed; the manuals themselves became a type of activist ecological design—in fact, the most radical kind of environmental activism in the 1960s.

Steve Baer was the author of the first instruction manual, the Dome Cookbook , and the inventor of the word zome , meaning a flexible type of geodesic dome that can be adapted to various site conditions. He was arguably the most skillful and knowledgeable dome builder, who traveled to many communes of the American Southwest aiming to share his expertise; he performed various jobs and shifted activities from advanced calculations to crude, hands-on crafting. He later founded the company Zomeworks in Albuquerque, New Mexico, to utilize solar energy for direct heating of buildings. Baer is considered a pioneer in solar design through his work on experimental Drum Walls for his residence in Corrales, New Mexico, built between 1971 and 1972 . In the interior of the house, 55-gallon, water-filled barrels on a support frame served as the house’s primary heating and cooling elements (Baer, 1975 ).

Parallel to Baer, Lloyd Khan, a dropped-out San Francisco insurance broker who became a craftsman and builder, was largely inspired by Baer’s Dome Cookbook and maintained a close relationship and collaboration with Brand as the designer and editor of the “Shelter” and “Land Use” sections in the Whole Earth Catalog . Khan’s Domebooks were produced from the Pacific High School, an experimental dome community in Bolinas, in the San Francisco Bay Area. Peter Calthorpe, a former member of the Pacific community and assistant in the production of the Domebooks , has become a leading pioneer of sustainable design and technology along with his collaborator, Sim Van der Ryn. Calthorpe and Van der Ryn published their own manual in the 1970s, the Farallones Scrapbook , to outsource the experiments of the Farallones Institute, a community that they founded in the late 1960s in Occidental, California, along with Sanford Hirshen.

The building experiments of the American counterculture in the postwar period have been accounted by architectural historian Felicity Scott in her books Architecture or Techno-Utopia: Politics After Modernism ( 2007 ) and Outlaw Territories: Environments of Insecurity/Architectures of Counterinsurgency ( 2016 ). Scott’s poignant narration does not simply bring to light marginal histories left untold; it also questions the absence of ideological position and political intent in current architectural debates by tracking the late history of utopia and dystopia, as well as its vanishing point; in her own words, “the disassociation of architecture from both its historical and political context as well as from its dreams of a better world to come” (Scott, 2007 ).

“Dropping out,” nevertheless, was more than a regressive grass-roots movement in the context of the “do-it-yourself” culture in the United States. Despite the ardor for the application of low-tech systems, the outlaws made recurrent references to the space program, used NASA’s numeric tables as dimensions for their dome planks, and designed domes by developing mathematical equations rather than drawings. They also shared a fervent interest in crystallography, mineralogy, and the biological processes of growth and metabolism, reading the cybernetic theories of Norbert Wiener, Marshall McLuhan, and Buckminster Fuller.

As cultural theorist Fred Turner points out, the outlaws aspired to project a unified global vision—one in which material reality could be imagined as an information system. In his book From Counterculture to Cyberculture , Turner ( 2006 ) described this vision as “cyber-counter-cultural” and suggested that “the cybernetic notion of the globe as a single, interlinked pattern of information was deeply comforting: in the invisible play of information, many thought they could see the possibility of global harmony” (p. 4). In this light, it might be vital to question if the digital evolution in design fields is the direct effect of technological advancements or if it was already underway by an entire generation of subversive thinkers who, however distant from actual machinery, were distinctively in tune with the systematization of thought that machines promised.

Deep Ecologists

The work of American transcendentalist writers in the 19th century gave birth to a preservation movement in the 1960s and sowed the seeds for a modern environmentalism that inspired a reverence for the sanctity of nature. As the transcendentalists alerted the American conscience to the ongoing harm to the natural world as a result of human activity, so did Rachel Carson’s landmark book for the environmental movement, Silent Spring . Carson challenged the notion that humans should impose technological control over the environment through chemicals, warfare, and space travel. On the contrary, she suggested that human domination and design of nature was not necessarily the correct course of action for the future. She urged people to question authorities who imposed control and authoritarian design over nature, bringing popularity and a sense of social urgency to the emerging environmental causes of her time. The cultural aftershock of Silent Spring inspired the environmental movement that led to the founding of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in 1970 .

Influenced by Carson’s writings, Norwegian philosopher Arne Næss coined the term deep ecology in his 1973 article “The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement: A Summary.” He proposed deep ecology as a holistic worldview to remedy the shallow paradigm of ecological thought and study. Much as Thoreau ventured to a cabin in the woods in Walden Pond to live and contemplate life and the natural world, Næss made a similar foray into the mountains of Scandinavia, spending weeks at a time in a small dwelling on Hallingskarvet.

The eight basic principles of deep ecology that Næss proposed while he stayed on Hallingskarvet established the philosophy as an ecological worldview predicated on observing and living with nonhuman nature to understand the interconnectedness of all life forms, including humans. Næss’s deep ecology advocates a holistic approach to the science of ecology, stressing the importance of experiencing life within nature and recognizing the human position as intrinsically connected to the Earth and its well-being. The philosophy of deep ecology can thus be thought of as a continuation of American transcendentalist thought. Unlike Walden , nevertheless, wherein Thoreau avowed the greater meaning of life for humans as individuals and societies when cognizant of the values of wilderness, Næss’s interest was decentralized from the human as the main cognizant inhabitant of the natural world. For him, every bit of life, human or nonhuman, had equal significance, giving leeway to the rise of posthumanist theories in the 1980s, as manifest in the writings of Michel Foucault, Judith Butler, Gregory Bateson, Bruno Latour, Cary Wolfe, and Donna Haraway.

Garbage Architects

Garbage housing was a movement in the 1970s that mainly was spearheaded by the British pioneer of so-called garbage architecture, Martin Pawley. Pawley’s translation of the laws of nature and metabolism, rather than a simulation of growth in material processes, was logistical and operative, literally suggesting the immediate use of the leftover materials from global consumption. Perceiving building as an interface of global resources, Pawley proposed that consumer by-products be fed back into the loop of production as new building materials. With his various writings on garbage architecture, Pawley merged two predicaments of the time (the housing crisis and excessive waste flows), hoping to salvage two crises by feeding one into the other. The aspiration was that as natural systems recycle their waste, by-products of urban environments might as well be recycled too—an idea that sounds at first sight credible and worthy of pursuing, given that a new functional life could be attributed to material excrement.

Garbage housing was conceived of as solidly confrontational to a vast and urgent social problem—namely, the solid waste crisis, which called for resolutions at a national level concurrently in both the United States and in the United Kingdom. In fact, the origins of garbage housing can be traced to federal agendas envisioning the whole Earth as a closed system with no material loss. Already by 1966 , the U.S. National Academy of Science declared: As the Earth becomes more crowded, there is no longer an “away.” “One person’s trash basket is another person’s living space” ( Waste Management and Control , US National Academy of Science, 1966 ).

Pawley collaborated with the municipality of Santiago, Chile, on the prospect of assembling available discarded items and transforming them to housing elements, as a remedy to the explosive urbanization and housing problems of Santiago’s metropolitan region. Following field research, he headed a research program at Cornell University as a visiting professor in the spring of 1973 , experimenting with various worthless materials that were in a state of oblivion as industrial by-products such as cans, bottles, and corrugated cardboard. As a visiting professor in the United States throughout the 1970s, Pawley carried on his research at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and Florida A&M University, thoroughly examining ways in which to create links between packaging-container industries and building industries in order to construct his vision of a parasitic housing policy.

Pawley’s colleague Witold Rybczynski experimented at the time in Canada with sulfur, a valueless by-product of mining operations, attempting to mold it into new concrete building blocks and other building elements. He was one of the founders of Ecol Operation. Associated with McGill University’s Minimum Cost Housing Group in Montreal, the Ecol Operation, like garbage housing, was advertised on the cover of a student university publication with the equation: “Ecology + Building + Common Sense,” based on the assumption that feeding the solid waste crisis into the housing crisis could become an ecological therapy for the global economy.

However, hints of frustration had already arisen from the movement’s main advocates by the mid-1970s. With the technology available at the time, it was excruciatingly difficult to use by-products to produce quality housing, fulfilling technical standards of insulation. On top of this difficulty, garbage architects’ sincere attempts to seek pragmatic solutions for the growing housing problems faced immense impediments by the building industry, which was functioning in a closed loop of linear productivity and could not act as a receptor for by-products of other industries.

Garbage architects’ initial, very sane cause was more than frequently overwhelmed by demographic statistics, numeric analyses, and hectic solid waste classifications, with the scope of redirecting all garbage to industrial utility. In short, garbage housing, centered on attributing a functional causality to waste, while other aspects, such as the exploitation of the nature of the found material, were largely forgotten. Garbage architects did whatever was necessary to complete the material cycle of feedback loops, but without offering new habitation possibilities. This was eventually a nonmarketable housing strategy and ended up getting a firm rejection from the building industry, which could not absorb cans and all sorts of other stuff back into its organism.

Autonomists

Following the oil crisis and a decade of intense environmental debate, the terms self-sufficiency, self-reliance, life support , and living autonomy became pervasive in the lexicon of alternative technologies in the 1970s that had preoccupied the British avant-garde scene for several years. Based on its biological definition, autonomy refers to a system’s organic independence and self-governance, a notion that was transferred to the domestic realm to advance the idea of the house as a self-reliant ecosystem, detached from its context. An autonomous housing community was like a restored Garden of Eden, where architecture, systems theory , and human biology could blend together in the hope of radical social reform. Autonomy was not only an ecological statement, but also a political statement, announcing a scheme of detachment from central authorities in favor of self-empowerment via involvement and dependence on the erratic nature of planetary forces.

A prime example of an ecological autonomy case study is the Ecological House built provisionally by the Street Farmers in London in the 1970s. In 1976 , a venture of similar nature was materialized in Berkeley, California, under the auspices of the Farallones Institute. Centered around Sim Van der Ryn, a diverse group of farmers, builders, architects, engineers, and biologists purchased and retrofitted a typical Californian house to an experimental self-sufficient living laboratory. The primary goal was the creation of a self-reliant urban household that would integrate the life-support systems of its residents in such a way as to conserve and redevelop energy and resources (Farallones Institute & Van der Ryn, 1979 ). Coined as the “Integral Urban House,” it contained several animal and plant species as well as humans under one roof, with machines mediating and regulating their delicate codependence (Figure 9 ). Along with Van der Ryn, a number of people participated in the materialization of this project, including Bill and Helga Olkowski, dedicated ecologists in the San Francisco Bay Area, who helped establish the first Ecology Center in the United States at Berkeley in 1969 and organized the West Coast’s first community recycling center.

Figure 9. Feedback drawing for the Integral Urban House, built in San Francisco in 1975. Produced by Lydia Kallipoliti and Tope Olujobi for the exhibition “Closed Worlds” at the Storefront for Art and Architecture in New York in 2016.

The years immediately following the oil crisis saw a boom of alternative technology movements in the United States, Canada, and Britain. The autonomy project took off to the extent of Architectural Design ’s special issue on “Autonomous Houses,” in 1976 , and Casabella ’s response in its editorial “The Other Face of Self-Reliance” the same year. A prolonged genealogy of autonomous house projects was presented in Architectural Design , including, among others, John Shore’s “Solo Dome”; Robert and Brenda Vale’s “Autonomous House” in Cambridge, UK; The “Ouroboros House,” built by students at the University of Minnesota; Simon Longland’s “Autonomous House” at the University of Edinburgh; Alexander Pike’s “Autonomous House” at the University of Cambridge; Jaap‘t Hooft’s “Autonomous Dome,” built in the Netherlands; Robert Reine’s “Integrated Living System,” in Tijeras, New Mexico; and the “Ecol” project, built by the Minimum Cost Housing Group at McGill University.

Urban retreat was as substantial all through the United States, as witnessed in the propagation of several self-sufficient institutes experimenting on alternative energy production from the early to mid-1970s. Inspired by John and Nancy Todd’s New Alchemy Institute in Hatchville, Massachusetts, the Institute of Local Self-Reliance in Washington, DC, the Foundation for Self-Sufficiency in Catonsville, Maryland, and numerous other organizations and individuals experimented with food production and backyard homemade reprocessing systems in an attempt to craft continuous cycles of people, animals, plants, produce from land, and waste recycling. The premise was to forsake interaction with the outside and to popularize an ecological and libertarian way of living and acting, as well as to herald autonomy from the grid of energy supply as a political statement against consumerism and capitalism (Figure 10 ).

Figure 10. Feedback drawing for the Ark of Cape Cod in 1976. Produced by Lydia Kallipoliti and Tope Olujobi for the exhibition “Closed Worlds” at the Storefront for Art and Architecture in New York in 2016.

On a slightly different plane, one can consider the work of Italian architect Paolo Soleri and his distinctive “ arcology ” project, which aimed to establish and maintain large, self-sufficient communities of people. In Arcology: City in the Image of Man ( 1969 ), Soleri introduced his scheme to fuse architecture and ecology by reducing the ecological impact of human inhabitation through constructing communities that were dimensionally compact, dense, and walkable. These communities/urbanities were to be efficient with energy resources and highly autonomous, relying on local food and energy. In 1970 , Soleri and his wife began the construction of the Arcosanti community in central Arizona as a simultaneous proof-of-concept and urban-design laboratory to test and revise methods of implementing arcological principles. Construction has continued through the present by means of workshops that draw people from a wide variety of architectural, ecological, artistic, agricultural, and urban planning disciplines to learn about arcology and participate in the construction of facilities. At present, residents of Arcosanti are primarily artists, students, and volunteers invested in the livelihood of the community and furthering the Soleris’ arcological mission.

Climaticists

Twin brothers Victor and Aladar Olgyay coined the term bioclimatic , or passive solar design, as a specialization within architecture in the 1950s. They proposed a linear design methodology for creating comfortable spaces in different climatic regions using charts and human comfort zones. This linear process was climate > biology > technology > architecture. In his book Design with Climate: Bioclimatic Approach to Architectural Regionalism ( 1963 ), Victor Olgyay defined the essence of bioclimatic architecture as the creation of a favorable (comfortable) microclimate inside and outside the building through the application of various architectural techniques. Further writings and projects identify solar architecture and passive architecture as design strategies for creating climate-responsive and human-friendly spaces. As the historian Daniel Barber suggests, “In the immediate postwar period, before mechanical heating, ventilation and air conditioning systems became affordable and widely available, the Olgyays were the preeminent researchers into methods for using architectural means to place a building in its climate” (Barber, 2014 ).

Whereas in the 1950s, the Olgyays were invested in orchestrating the tectonic vocabulary of buildings in direct response to environmental conditions, the advancement of technologies in air conditioning, humidifiers, and other devices for regulating interior climate saw a massive increase in the early 1960s. In regulating indoor climate, the opposition between form and machine became a core issue in building design.

The vital figure to begin mining this controversy, in the 1960s, is Reyner Banham, who forecast the inevitable critical role of machinery in building systems and was thus frequently critiqued as the technophile theorist of refrigerators. Banham’s famous collage of an “Environmental Bubble” (originally published in Art in America in 1965 ) is in many respects the antipode of bioclimatic design. While Banham’s Environmental Bubble would be a sealed interior bubble controlled atmospherically by a tower of air conditioning and heating mechanical devices, a passive house of the same period, such as Costantinos Dekavallas’ house in Aigina, Greece, is entirely open to the exterior, creating natural breezes by managing upward convention air flow. The former case speaks of a closed, self-organizing system re-creating its own interior environment, while the latter case speaks of an open system synchronized with the perturbations of the exterior environment.

Whereas Dekavallas’s intentions were to use ecological design principles—including natural cooling, heating, lighting, and ventilation—as generative parameters for his work, Banham’s concerns were mostly hygienic; that is, how to screen noxious atmospheric pollutants from the domestic interior by regulating its interior climate. According to Banham, the word atmosphere was to be read literally; he claims that historically, atmosphere has not only been calculated, but also governed design decisions—decisions undertaken with the aid of medical practitioners.

Banham linked technological developments in regulating the conditions of interior human habitation to a new desire to exert mechanical control over systems in feedback loops, effectively coupling biology and architecture. He argued for the importance of recognizing and realizing human needs, technological advances, and environmental concerns as inherent components of modern architecture. His body of work on the use of mechanical equipment was surmised in the seminal book The Architecture of the Well-Tempered Environment , where he examines the massive intrusion of mechanical services in buildings throughout the 20th century —machines for heating, cooling, ventilating, artificial illumination, and acoustics—which eventually appropriated large parcels of the building volume. Such technologies have obstinately remained outside the realm of architectural design and were efficiently concealed by the building shell. Banham’s views on the use of mechanical equipment for climate regulation were polemical, as he saw machines as a radical design proposition that can change architecture systematically and organizationally. His expressive integration of machinery in building design arguably influenced the development of the Centre Georges Pompidou, built by Richard Rogers Renzo Piano and Gianfranco Franchini in 1977 , in which machinery is fully exposed and color coded as an urban proposition for Paris.

Dark Naturalism ( c . 2000–2017)

Searching for “hyperobjects”, origin point: the anthropocene.

The third period, unfolding approximately from the end of the 20th century until today, is tentatively characterized by a search for hyperobjects , a term coined by philosopher Timothy Morton in his 2010 book The Ecological Thought . Morton describes hyperobjects as so massively distributed in time and space that they transcend localization (Morton, 2013 ). The term is used broadly to refer to conditions ranging from global warming, to Styrofoam, to the machinery related to capitalism.

Nevertheless, looking at Morton’s terminology from the perspective of ecological design, one can think of the materialized constellations of new artificial creations such as the Great Pacific Gyre. Also called the “plastic soup,” a pile of wasted fragmented materials has coagulated and manifested itself as an island, cohering from a soup of waste to cell-like locales—places that exist beyond human perception of urban daily life. These emergent islands now force us to delve deeper into the geochemical affinities between capital and excrement. Such places or islands will outlive us, but most important, they will inevitably alter and redefine the complex interrelationships between subjects and their environment, thus inevitably altering the definition of ecological design as it was given by Haeckel in 1866 . As emergent types of artificial natures, such places are not in the environment; they are environments themselves.

The starting point for this period is the Anthropocene, a new geological era for human civilization popularized in 2000 by Nobel-winning atmospheric chemist Paul Crutzen after being used by ecologist Eugene F. Stoermer since the 1980s. We are running through an Earth epoch wherein the products of human invention and production, including the making of buildings and cities, have unwittingly reformed the planet’s geophysical properties. Perpetual floods, ice melts, tropical outbursts, dryness, and other climatic phenomena reflect what we so often refer to as climate age , or what sociologist Andrew Ross refers to as “strange weather” (Ross, 1991 ). If anything, the growing signs of environmental degradation that first became apparent to the public eye in the late 1960s, but were seen principally at local scales and as national problems, have escalated into an all-out global crisis. The Earth now contains throughout its circumference a thin layer of radioactive materials that began being deposited in 1945 . The deposition of this layer marks a decisive geological moment—a geological time marked by humans shaping the Earth.

The etymology of the word “Anthropocene” is an oxymoron; it implies the human– άνθρωπος ‎—at the core of the stage set— σκηνή ‎, yet at the same time, it suggests that we are no longer supposed to think of history as exclusively human. Unlike its anthropocentric predecessor eras, this new world, as posthumanist thinkers argue, does not tolerate the separation of humans from nonhumans. Rather, it imposes an asymmetrical confrontation between the human and the nonhuman (Morton, 2013 ), as the pervasion of nonhuman elements with human ones is seamless even in our own physiology.

Political theorist Jane Bennett approaches the impossibility of separating human from nonhuman elements through the concept of vibrant matter, which presumes livelihood in all material formations. Her vivid descriptions of materialized clouds, like omega fatty acids that alter human moods and lively streams of methane emanating from landfills, paints the picture of a darker era, where the blur of all things is seamless. For Bennett, the image of dead or inert matter has fed the human ego and has empowered Earth-destroying tendencies by preventing us from detecting and acknowledging a large range of nonhuman powers and influences with which we interact (Bennett, 2010 ).

The Anthropocene lends tangible identity to this new period in which we live, one of increasing existential threat. Therefore, how does one think about art, architecture, aesthetics, and ecological design in the Anthropocene? The range of responses to this period of environmental anxiety is extensive, from corporate approaches to generate income through ecological tourism, to radical ecological design. The consensus, nevertheless, is that Ernst Haeckel’s definition of ecology in 1866 (as an integral link between living organisms and their surroundings) or Sim van der Ryn’s definition of ecological design in 1996 (a call to minimize the ecological footprint of designed objects) is not enough. Ecological design can no longer be conceptualized exclusively as a combative tool against aggravating climatic conditions. Technology, as weaponry and as defense, is not the sole option; neither is an exclusive engagement with teleology. The new geological era of the Anthropocene raises not only material problems, but also cultural and aesthetic issues. Our perception of the environment and orientation in the world is irreversibly displaced, as the fantasy of our habitation outside of nature, or even the very existence of nature itself, is no longer tenable.

In the age of the Anthropocene, is it possible that measures, policies, and regulations limit the imaginary of architects, designers, and thinkers? Commonly, environmental concerns promote a conservationist ethic and a list of cautionary daily practice of scarcity. Nevertheless, are austerity and caution the only options for revering nature as a found object? Theoretical physicist Freeman Dyson, one of the most respected figures for his work in quantum electrodynamics, solid-state physics, astronomy, and nuclear engineering, argues that the rising levels of CO 2 in the atmosphere have transformed the world into a greener planet. As paradoxical as it seems, Dyson says that there is scant evidence that human activity is causing global temperatures to rise, and that climate models projecting dire consequences in the coming centuries are unreliable. In fact, even if temperatures do increase significantly, it could actually be a benefit to humanity (Dyson, 2009 ).

In fact, the term Anthropocene has been highly contested. Donna Haraway, a prominent historian of science, has suggested a replacement for it, debating the merits of terms such as Capitalocene (placing the blame on the overconsumption of capitalism) or Plasticine (pointing to the material that is choking our planet). The alternative term that Haraway seems to favor is Chthulucene , a name for the dynamic, ongoing, symchthonic forces and powers of which people are a part (Haraway, 2015 ). As she argues, “I am a compost-ist, not a posthuman-ist: we are all compost, not posthuman.”

For Haraway and other scholars and thinkers, in these darker times, it is imperative to investigate, monitor, and document the strangeness of the real, to devote design as an imaginative endeavor completely to the problems of the real, rather than projecting an idealized outdated version of whole environments and healthy ecosystems. The Chthulucene is not about constructing fictions and fantasies of wholeness. Rather, it is about closely observing the ubiquity of pollution, asking questions and instrumentalizing one’s findings in a creative way, without being unaware of their uncertainty and complexity.

Subnaturalists

The term subnature is borrowed from architecture historian David Gissen to describe what he calls a “fearsome zone, where the limits of contemporary life might be staged” (p. 23). For Gissen, subnatures like smoke, gas, exhaust, dust, puddles, mud, debris, weeds, insects, and other curious worlds are canonically marginalized in architecture discourse. At present, though, human activity in industry and technology has profoundly altered the natural world, creating new states of nature found in the most contaminated, polluted sites on Earth. Rather than attempting to synthesize or integrate design with nature, the designers in this group create deviant, new natures out of the current contaminated conditions.

Photographer Edward Burtynsky captures landscapes that are simultaneously beautiful and unsettling—stunning scenes of oil fields, nickel extraction, and landscapes marred by industrial waste disposal. This unsettling combination of the gorgeous and repulsive has been called “the toxic sublime” by Jennifer Peeples, a professor of communication studies at Utah State University. According to Peeples, the toxic sublime reveals the tensions arising from visual representations of environmental contamination: beauty and ugliness, magnitude and insignificance, known and unknown, inhabitation and desolation, security and risk (Peeples, 2011 ).

In Spain, Enric Ruiz-Geli and Cloud 9, his interdisciplinary architectural team in Barcelona, apply research and carry out workshops within the context of global warming scenarios. Similarly, AMID (Cero9)—Cristina Díaz Moreno, Efrén García Grinda, and their collaborators—focuses on new, culturally relevant, and unconventional forms of natural beauty. A 15-year collection of their work was recently exhibited under the title “Third Natures” at the Architectural Association in London. Deviant approaches to ecological design are concerned with the lack of nature, in that the by-products of design and human activity have the ability to create new, nonbucolic natures.

Another Spanish architect working with the generative potential of atmospheric pollution and toxic politics in urban environments is Nerea Calvillo, founder of the collaborative visualization project “In the Air” and the architecture office C+arquitectos. “In the Air” (Calvillo, 2017 ) makes visible the microscopic and invisible agents of Madrid´s air (gases, particles, pollen, diseases, etc.), to see how they perform, react, and interact with the rest of the city. A Web-based dynamic model builds up the space that pollution components generate, visualizing behavior patterns through data crossing. Similarly, “Yellow Dust” (Figure 11 ), Calvillo’s installation for the Seoul Biennale of Architecture and Urbanism 2017 , builds a yellow cloud of water vapor, measuring airborne particles in the area in which it is located. “Yellow Dust” opens the monitoring process in several ways, showing the particulate measuring devices while allowing the viewer to feel the quality of the air through the contact of the cloud with the body.

Figure 11. The “Yellow Dust” installation for the 2017 Seoul Biennale “Imminent Commons”; designed by C+arquitectos/In The Air (Nerea Calvillo, Raul Nieves, Pep Tornabell, Yee Thong Chai, Marina Fernandez, and Emma Garnett).

An important voice in environmental debates comes from the Swiss architect Philippe Rahm, whose Paris-based practice urges architects to develop a new architectural language that is directly linked to climate change. In his manifesto for a “Meteorological Architecture,” Rahm claims that “climate change is forcing us to rethink architecture radically” (Rahm, 2009 ) and urges the advancement of new tools for architectural composition derivative from phenomena like convection, conduction, radiation, and evaporation. In his various projects, including the Jade Eco Park in Taiwan ( 2012 ) and the “Hormonorium” in the Venice Architecture Biennale of 2002 , Rahm literally designs atmospheres and weathers, amplifying the viewer’s perceptual ability through various visualizations, as well as the viewer’s sentient ability through body senses.

Along the same lines, the Chicago-based architect Sean Lally uses immaterial means, including electromagnetic, thermodynamic, and acoustic energy, to design atmospheres and environments. Evoking Reyner Banham’s famous “Environmental Bubble” in 1965 (in collaboration with Canadian artist Francois Dallegret), Lally argues for an architecture without walls, where boundaries can be formed by harnessing energy streams rather than rearranging building components. In his project “New Energy Landscapes,” for the second Istanbul Design Biennial of 2014 , Lally claims that building with energy would fundamentally change the ways humans interact with each other and their environments.

Machine Expressionists

Environmental expressionism dates to Reyner Banham’s “Environmental Bubble,” as illustrated by François Dallegret in 1965 , in “A Home Is not a House.” Banham questions the necessity of conventional architecture, wondering, when a house “contains so many services that the hardware could stand up without any assistance from the house, why have a house to hold it up?” Thus, architecture assumes the form of the inner workings of things—the “guts,” the circuitry and the tubes that materialize necessary connections; it exposes plumbing and circuity and develops an aesthetic proposition from the performance of circulation and system feedback loops.

Environmental expressionism is distinct from biomimicry, in that there is no intent to mimic nature formally or functionally, but rather to disclose the mechanical and chemical viscera of ecosystems and buildings. It is conceptually related to structural expressionism, which places visual emphasis on traditionally internal structural steel elements of buildings by bringing them outside the primary envelope. In Renzo Piano, Richard Rogers, and Gianfranco Franchini’s Centre Pompidou of 1971 , for instance, the structurally expressive façade is predominantly an aesthetic of legibility of mechanical systems, as most of the components serve no structural purpose.

The Urban Algae Canopy project, by ecoLogicStudio (Marco Poletto, Claudia Pasquero) with Carlo Ratti Associati, is an example of this concept, as it integrates microalgal cultures into an architectural cladding and digital regulation system, avoiding all attempts to hide the photosynthetic organisms or the technology that regulates their oxygenation and growth. Similarly, Cesare Griffa’s Water Lillies are architectural components that grow algae to be harvested as bio-fuel. Griffa posits the Lillies as an expressive lighting system as well, creating a unique, luminescent, green night environment.

Likewise, HYDRAMAX Port Machines from the Future Cities Lab (Nataly Gattegno and Jason Kelly Johnson) rethinks San Francisco’s waterfront following sea-level rise in a “synthetic architecture that blurs the distinction between building, landscape, infrastructure, and machine” (Gattegno & Johnson, 2012 ). Filamentous, spiny, robotic structures make boundaries more flexible and pliant by intelligently regulating the environments of new aquatic parks, community gardens, wildlife refuges, and aquaponic farms. All ecological functions of the project, like harvesting rainwater and fog, modulating air flow, and solar gain, are performed by intelligent building systems mobilized by sensors and motorized components that are outwardly visible in the utmost detail. For Future Cities Lab, the proposals are not merely expressive of the inner workings, but work as live models, in direct, real-time mechanical response to changing environmental factors.

An alternative direction in the expressive demonstration of mechanical viscera and circuitry, as the vital effective organs of environmental systems, is evident in the work of Spanish architect Andrés Jaque and the Office for Political Innovation that he founded in Madrid in 2003 . Jaque’s projects are playful and humorous, yet highly precise, with each proposal conceptualized as a built manifesto overlapping environmental with economic and political concerns. For example, his project for the 2015 Young Architects Program for MoMA PS1 in New York City was described by Dezeen magazine as a giant water purifier, a movable artifact made of customized irrigation components, that makes visible and enjoyable the so-far-hidden urbanism of pipes that we live with (McKnight, 2015 ). Jaque frequently uses ready-made elements that reiteratively follow a logic of orchestrated excess in order to make visible the intransigent infrastructural systems that are commonly used for environmental amelioration. By making circuitry and machinery overtly perceptible, he criticizes the state of environmental affairs and argues that environmental and political parameters are profoundly intertwined.

Corporate Performatists

Ecological capitalism is an emerging term enabling the capitalization, not necessarily of nature but of our sense of loss of nature, for the development of new economies. According to Sir Tim Smit, the executive vice-chairman and cofounder of the Eden Project in the United Kingdom, more than 16 million people have come to see what was once a sterile pit now transformed into a cradle of life, containing world-class horticulture and startling architecture symbolic of human endeavor. Eden has contributed over 1 billion pounds to the Cornish economy. This common and admittedly banal use of the word sustainability strengthens the development of a most peculiar type of architecture: “one that articulates a unique relationship between architecture and fantasy against a background of immanent catastrophe” (Adams, 2010 , p. 88) and eventually commoditizes architectural and construction performance as a selling point for a rising ethos of ecological capitalism. Smit has explicitly denounced the perception of mutually exclusive capitalism and environmental consciousness, claiming that the Eden Project is the product of powerful capital, as well as ecologically political conviction. Performance and corporate ecology shape our practices of ecological and economical consumption, providing guidelines for manufacture and expenditure and minimizing risks in which both economy and ecology are implicated.

Ecological design has become a commodity. This approach demonstrates an interest in technological achievements, in selling ecology, and in developing criteria for professionals on which to judge ecological awareness, responsiveness, and design. The Global Footprint Network, for instance, provides and revises a framework and procedure for measuring the rate at which humans consume resources and generate waste compared to how quickly the planet absorbs human waste and replaces those consumed resources. Architecture historian Jonathan Massey has cited Foster + Partner’s 30 St Mary Axe, more commonly known as “The Gherkin,” as a design that addresses the “ways we imagine the risks associated with climate change, terrorism, and financial globalization” (Massey, 2013 ). Risk management, most often considered as a form of rationalizing contingency and uncertainty in business, is ecological as well. Massey argued that 30 St Mary Axe is both a marker and an agent of change through addressing risk. The Gherkin successfully bridges a perceived gap between sustainability initiatives and economic growth and sells a certain kind of ecology to the public, even though its sustainable features in operation actually fall short of achieving its touted energy performance.

With its roots in Arne Næss’s definition of deep ecology, which proclaims that all living beings are of inherently equal value, design for nonhumans affirms that design should accommodate more types of life than merely human. Ariane Lourie Harrison of the architecture firm Harrison Atelier, founded with Seth Harrison, who is an entrepreneur in biotechnology and culture, has speculated as to what comprises the world following the contemporary anthropocentric moment, what they have referenced as the posthuman world . Several of their installation projects accommodate birds and bees (among other species), which emerge at the forefront of their thoughts rather than being marginalized.

Architect Joyce Hwang, who is an associate professor at the University of Buffalo and director of the Ants of the Prairie studio, has engaged in several projects pitched for nonhumans, most notably Bat Tower, which she constructed in 2007 in upstate New York for bats. She has designed several iterations of installations for bats and pests in an effort to explore strategies for increasing public awareness of supposedly unwanted species as a critical component of our ecosystem. Similarly, Pneumastudio, founded by Chris Perry and Catherine Dwyre, envisions an architecture “Not for ‘us’ alone,” in the darker urban, geographical, and architectural future predicated on the ecological crisis. In their Anthropocene Folly, ecological design is conceived as a zone of exchange between human and nonhuman forms of habitation (Figure 12 ).

Figure 12. An Architectural Folly for the Anthropocene by Chris Perry and Cathryn Dwyre of Pneumastudio. A full-scale, “permanent installation” at OMI International Arts Center, Ghent, New York, in 2015.

Terreform ONE (Mitchell Joachim and Maria Aiolova), a nonprofit architecture group based in New York City, proposed in 2016 a modular Cricket Shelter (Figure 13 ), with “a multipronged focus on international hunger solutions, sustainable food distribution methods, and emergency architecture,” with an aim to hygienically and humanely house and harvest crickets for human consumption in developed and developing countries (Terreform ONE, 2016 ). According to Terreform One, “harvesting insects for food takes about 300 times less water than acquiring the same amount of protein from cattle, pigs, and chicken.” Cricket Shelter is a polemical project, in that it not only provides a habitat for forgotten species like crickets, but also provides a plan for the entire harvesting process and food production and consumption. This design approach intends to address contemporary ecological conditions through interventions that foreground the Anthropocene yet are not necessarily for humans.

Figure 13. Cricket Shelter: Modular Edible Insect Farm by Terreform One (Mitchell Joachim, PI), built at the Brooklyn Navy Yard in New York, 2016.

As a design approach, resilience emphasizes designers’ combat with climate change through the remediation of contaminated ecosystems and the recreation of soft boundaries between dense human settlements and sparser, more rural areas. Ross Exo Adams writes that resilient urbanism is cross-scalar, transcending boundaries of measure, governance, and information. He cites New York City’s Resilience by Design (RBD), an initiative to implement resilient design measures across the city’s coastal zones. The transcendence of boundaries is key to ecological resilience, and Adams finds the initiative’s great success thus far to be in its urbanization of the body, politicization of local community, and accessibility of data-collecting, cybernetic technologies for the individual. According to Adams, urban resilience “gains clarity as an ecology,” in which design innovations negotiate between scales and types of urbanity from the environmental to the political and technological (Adams, 2016 ).

As an operating case study of resilient design, Kate Orff’s practice SCAPE reenvisions urban landscapes while incorporating principles of brownfield remediation, minimized site disturbance, and meshing natural systems with human habitat. For instance, SCAPE’s collaboration with Perkins + Will Architects for developing a resilience strategy for the brownfield area of the Hudson Riverport in Kingston, New York, demonstrates a methodology of crafting ecological resilience against flooding and sea level rise through schemes that Kingston could deploy that would take a “cut-and-fill approach to softening the edge and raising land to be developable,” increasing habitat on land and in water (Scape/Landscape Architecture PLLC, 2014 ).

Dlandstudio, led by landscape architect Susannah C. Drake, is also known for practicing resilience, which is particularly evident in the studio’s Gowanus Canal Sponge Park a severely polluted site in Brooklyn, infamous as an EPA Superfund site. Dlandstudio proposed a green corridor along each side of the canal that would absorb and remediate water runoffs, but also would create new neighborhood activities for local residents. After five years, the project was funded in 2013 for a pilot section of the park, bringing to fruition Drake’s belief in remediating landscape corridors that intertwine the ecology of land use and people.

A different tangent on remediating contaminated ecosystems is evidenced in the work of landscape architect and scholar Bradley Cantrell, who is chair of the Landscape Architecture Department at the University of Virginia. Cantrell’s body of work, often referenced as “Responsive Landscapes,” “Synthetic Landscapes,” or “Cyborg Ecologies,” intersects computation and ecology, offering entirely novel ways to monitor, understand, and represent complex natural processes, such as sedimentation and the evolving geomorphology of riverbeds (Bentley, 2016 ). Cantrell develops and designs devices and infrastructures that create complex interrelationships among maintenance, evolved processes, and environmental responses on his custom-made test bed—a “fluid modeling table”—which uses ultrasound to model topographic landscapes. Although Cantrell’s work is mostly focused on digital and physical simulations in the laboratory, his computational landscapes, using computing and machine learning, offer insight in building physical infrastructures and natural landscapes that relate symbiotically with cities and natural systems (Cantrell, 2014 ).

Contextualists

Related to Kenneth Frampton’s “ critical regionalism ,” which strives to achieve a balance between homogeneous, global forms and practices of architecture and heterogeneous, vernacular, and local forms and practices, environmental contextualism exploits unique qualities of place and locale to a resourceful end. Design involves capitalizing on local places and resources to create magnetic, ecologically conscious architectures. Australian architect Glenn Murcutt practices environmental contextualism in constructing a new domicile in the vernacular of the aboriginal that espouses weightlessness of form and environmental impact. His structures take advantage of the Sun and wind for lighting, heat, and cross-ventilation purposes and use local materials in thermally strategic, culturally sensitive ways. Murcutt’s ethos of environmental sensitivity can be surmised in the phrase “how to touch the earth lightly,” which has become the title of a book on his design work written by Philip Drew in 2001 . Speaking of his work, Murcutt seems emotionally and sensorially immersed in the context of the built word and conjures an ethical and civic responsibility to the planet and its resources.

Context exists at the scale of site and region, and while one may think that this place specificity limits Murcutt’s work to that locale, he forges an architectural connection with ecology that is global in understanding and application. A contemporary of Murcutt’s, Richard Leplastrier, also takes on the aboriginal conception of leaving little trace on the Earth by reworking and reconfiguring spaces into minimal niches, adjusting the tectonic composition of space in accordance with ecological conditions of region and site.

Living Fabricators

The architects and designers in the living fabricators group focus on what one might loosely reference as biological design and fabrication. Stemming from ancient alchemical practices and from a genealogy of experiments on chemical computation, the ideas motivating the living fabricators involve the blurring of boundaries between living and nonliving entities, as well as the aspiration to control design by animating and orchestrating inner material forces. Understanding design as a growth process of organic substances—one that can be steered to a projected outcome—is not by any means a new concept. What is different, nevertheless, is the way in which in the past 15 years, such enterprises have shaped via technological instrumentation.

One of the first groups that spearheaded the introduction of biology in the arts is the SymbioticA artistic research lab, founded by artists Oron Catts and Ionat Zurr, biologist Miranda Grounds, and neuroscientist Stuart Bunt at the University of Western Australia’s School of Anatomy and Human Biology in 2000 . One of Zurr and Catts’s first projects involved “The Semi-Living” Worry Dolls, the first tissue-engineered sculptures to be presented alive in a gallery, part of the Tissue Culture and Art Project. Inspired by Guatemalan worry dolls, these dolls were handcrafted of degradable polymers (PGA and P4HB) and surgical sutures, and then seeded with living cells that, throughout the exhibition, were gradually replaced with polymers within a microgravity bioreactor. According to the artists, the aim of the project was to “direct and control the growth of tissue into a desired shape in order to replace or support the function of defective or inured parts” (Zurr & Catts, 2002 ).

A corollary term with semiliving , used for the transference of innovative technological approaches in biology, microbiology, biotechnology, medicine, and surgery to design fields is neoplasmatic design , coined by Marcos Cruz and Steve Pike in an issue that they guest-edited in 2009 for Architectural Design . The editors defined as neoplasmatic projects that are partly designed objects and partly living material, blurring the lines between the natural and the artificial (Cruz, 2009 ). For the authors, neoplasmatic design implies semiliving entities that require completely new definitions. As an educator, researcher, and designer at the Bartlett (University College London), Cruz has taught and worked on many projects that utilize living matter in buildings, mostly focusing on the utilization of bacteria and algae.

A different position on the use of biological materials is manifest in the work of David Benjamin, who is an assistant professor at Columbia University and founder of the New York–based studio The Living. Rather than displaying in detail the surgical mechanisms of material conversions as Cruz does, Benjamin’s interest lies in using form and materiality to produce design proposals of negligible footprint. In the project “HyFi,” built for the MoMA PS1 Young Architects Program in 2014 (coordinated by the Museum of Modern Art), Benjamin deployed bricks made of corn and mushrooms to shape cylinders that drew the heat upward in PS1’s courtyard. The bricks were manufactured by Ecovative, a biomaterials company based in upstate New York that mostly creates products grown from mushrooms, fungal mycelium that are low-value, nonfood agricultural materials, using a patented process. The bricks were grown within a period of less than 1 week and were consequently planned to return to the city soil after the temporary exhibition space closed.

The work of Canadian architect Philip Beesley and American architect Jenny Sabin is also notable due to their poetically effusive enveloping presence, demonstrating the intersection of computation, with biotechnology, mathematics, and synthetic biology. Beesley’s most prominent work is “Hylozoic Ground” (Figure 14 ), part of a series of immersive installations that he initiated in 2008 , which react to the presence of visitors. His intention was to create a metabolic architecture, a living, breathing entity capable of regeneration and growth. Sabin won the MoMA PS1’s Young Architecture Program competition in 2017 with plans for a shelter made of robotically knitted textile solar panels. Mostly focusing on textiles, her work is not simply translating biological metaphors but is invested in the nonlinearities of material and form across different disciplines and scales. Seminal references for Sabin’s work include matrix biology, materials science, and mathematics through the filter of crafts-based media including textiles and ceramics (Sabin, 2014 ).

Figure 14. Hylozoic Ground by Philip Beesley at the Canadian Pavilion of the Venice Biennale in 2010.

Planetarians

In the footsteps of Buckminster Fuller’s “World Games” and John McHale’s drawings for vertical mobility—large cross sections of the Earth from the core to the stratosphere—one can trace the work of Design Earth, a collaborative practice led by El Hadi Jazairy and Rania Ghosn. As El Hadi Jazairy and Ghosn argue, their design research engages technological systems such as energy and trash precisely because these systems do not respect the morphological boundaries between the country and the city (Korody, 2016 ). In a series of drawings engaging large-scale infrastructural systems (Figure 15 ), narrated via a sensual visual storytelling, the authors are intent on reimagining urbanization’s contract with nature. Via their work, Design Earth asks: What is the agency of design in shaping such spaces of technological systems, particularly now that the ecological crisis has opened the black box of urban externalities, all while these systems often remain essentialized by the alarmist rhetoric of “energy needs,” “waste crisis,” “green infrastructure,” or “food security”? (Korody, 2016 ).

Figure 15. After Oil by Design Earth, El Hadi Jazairy, and Rania Ghosn. Exhibited at the Kuwait Pavilion at the Venice Biennale, Between East and West: a Gulf , 2016.

Similar questions on how to lyrically reinvent infrastructures and design large-scale territories are posited by Lateral Office, a Toronto-based platform for new spatial environments founded by Lola Sheppard and Mason White. As a body of work, Lateral Office’s projects are mostly territorial, blurring the lines between nature and technology, landscape and architecture. In 2010 , Lateral Office, in collaboration with Infranet Lab (Neeraj Bhatia and Maya Przybylski), published the book COUPLING: Strategies for Infrastructural Opportunism . According to Geoff Manaugh’s review in BLDGBLOG , the authors seek out moments in which architecturally dormant landscapes, from the Arctic Circle to the Salton Sea, can be activated by infrastructure, be spatially reused, or both. It is architecture on the scale of infrastructure and infrastructure on the scale of hemispheres and ecosystems—the becoming-continental of the architecture brief.

The projects presented in COUPLING were conceptualized as life-support ecologies for large-scale territories, enabling infrastructure to take a prominent role on a new environmental stage set. Along these lines, Bhatia later founded the studio The Open Workshop in San Francisco, with a number of projects addressing the intersection of politics, infrastructure, and urbanism. Bhatia is also the research director of The Petropolis of Tomorrow, which explores the relationship between urbanism and resource extraction, and particularly cities formed from resource extraction associated with energy.

Another practice whose work addresses territory and geography presented as excerpts of Earth samples is NEMESTUDIO, based in San Francisco and founded by the Turkish architects Neyan Turan and Mete Sonmez. In her own words, Turan argues that her work “draws on the relationship between geography and design to highlight their interaction for new aesthetic and political trajectories within architecture and urbanism” (NEMESTUDIO, 2014 ). Similar to other members in this category, NEMESTUDIO’s work is lyrical and engaged in powerful formats of visual representation and storytelling on projecting the availability of resources in the future. In many of these projects, samples of earth are overtly exhibited as testimony to the way that absurdity has been institutionalized in environmental legislation.

Looking back at the breadth of the history of ecological design enables an alternative, elastic understanding of the term ecology , addressing not only a new kind of naturalism and/or technoscientific standard, but also a recirculatory understanding of the world and its resources. In this context, revisiting the term ecological , rather than sustainable and green , is of the essence and may contribute to a reassessment of contemporary debates on the environment. It may be in this epistemological fusion that we can ask more of architecture and design.

The condition of flow and constant conversion was characterized by Gyorgy Kepes in 1972 as a primary reorientation of the 20th century . He explained:

The dominant matrix of nineteenth-century attitudes was the use of Marx’s term “reification”; relationships were interpreted in terms of things, objects, or commodity values. Today a reversal of this attitude has begun to appear; there is a steadily increasing movement in science and in art toward processes and systems that dematerialize the object world and discredit physical possessions. What scientists considered before as substance shaped into forms, and consequently understood as tangible objects, is now recognized as energies and their dynamic organization. (p. 11)

As well as a practice of minimizing the detrimental impact of buildings, ecological design is an ideational and philosophical system of viewing the world of ideas, information, and matter as flow, rather than as the accumulation of discrete objects. More than a material system, it signals the migration of life through the conversion of one thing to another.

Appendix 1: Terminology

1864—Conservation design— Development of land use that attempts to ensure the protection and management of biodiversity, natural resources, and/or the environment through controlled, sustainable development. Conservation design planning often aims to preserve water quality, the habitats of wildlife, and scenic landscapes and vistas. Following a surge in reports and literature advocating the protection of American wildlife and landscapes, efforts to preserve natural wilderness found legislative footing in 1864, with the precedent-setting bill that designated Yosemite Valley a public park in the state of California.

1866—Ecology— German zoologist Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919) first used the word oekologie to refer to the “relation of the animal both to its organic as well as its inorganic environment” in his 1866 book Die Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (The General Morphology of Organisms). Oekologie is derived from the Greek word oikos , meaning “household,” “home,” or “place of dwelling” (Coleman, 1978 ). Thus, Haeckel’s view of ecology is that it is the study of the relationships between living organisms and the biotic and abiotic environment that they inhabit. Various definitions and reinterpretations of Haeckel’s ecology have since emerged (notably Herbert Andrewartha and Louis Charles Birch’s 1954 definition, which considers the distribution and abundance of organisms as an important addendum), although all recognize ecology as the study of interrelationships between organism and environment (Andrewartha & Birch, 1986 ).

1911—Holism— The philosophy that systems should be understood in their entirety as interconnected wholes rather than through their constituent parts. Ecologist John Phillips and architects Ian McHarg and Robert and Brenda Vale disseminated holistic thinking to planners and designers of the late 20th century, advocating design intervention with the whole of nature in mind.

1955—Air quality management— Strategies for assessing, analyzing, and reducing the concentration of air contaminants such as carbon monoxide, ground-level ozone, nitrogen oxide, and particulate matter. Design strategies involve minimizing behaviors and processes that contribute contaminants to the air, such as driving automobiles and using materials that release volatile organic compounds (VOCs) during the construction of buildings.

1969—Biomimetic design— A design approach in which natural phenomena (structures, forms, and behaviors) are applied to creative design and problem-solving in art, architecture, engineering, medicine, and other fields. Applications of biomimetic design are as varied as are the sources of inspiration, ranging from autonomous military robots inspired by insects to cosmetics made iridescent through studying and replicating the glossy property of certain algae.

1970—Environmentalism— A broad scientific/social movement and ideology that advocates the protection and improvement of the health of the environment. Issues of interest to environmentalists include, but are not limited to, climate change, overpopulation, and genetic engineering.

1973—Arcology— Design principles proposed by Paolo Soleri that aim to establish and maintain large, self-sufficient communities of people. He intended for arcology (the term, a portmanteau of architecture and ecology , was coined in his 1969 book The City in the Image of Man ) to reduce the ecological impact of human inhabitation.

1973—Deep ecology— The philosophy that all living beings are inherently equal and of significant value, and that human disruption of ecosystems is detrimental not only to the disturbed organisms, but also to humans themselves due to the upset of the natural order. Deep ecology, therefore, often advocates simple living, human population control, and abstinence from designed intervention in the natural environment. This term was coined by Arne Naess in the 1973 article “The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement: A Summary,” in which “deep” ecology was proposed as a holistic worldview to remedy the “shallow” paradigm of ecological thought and study.

1973—Resilience— The capacity of an ecosystem to recover from disturbance to a stable state of a similar identity to its original state. Conceptualized by C. S. Holling in the 1973 article “Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems” as the ability of an ecosystem to return to an equilibrium state, resilience has since come to acknowledge multiple potential steady-states. Building ecological resilience is achieved through analysis and management of the interactions between human societies and the environment.

1975—Adaptive reuse— The process of modifying an old building or site for present use. This practice recycles existing material and land, aiding in historical and environmental conservation and reducing urban sprawl.

1975—Green— An ambiguous term used often and interchangeably in the popular media with sustainable and ecological when referring to environmentally conscious design and development. Peter Buchanan’s exhibition “Ten Shades of Green” in 2000, sponsored by the Architectural League of New York, elucidates the various dimensions of greenness by identifying 10 key issues to consider when designing fully green architecture: low-energy/high-performance, replenishable sources; recycling; embodied energy; long life, loose fit; total life-cycle cost; being embedded in place; access and urban context; health and happiness; and community and connection.

1981—Critical regionalism— In architecture, a design approach to achieve a balance between homogeneous, global forms and practices of architecture and heterogeneous vernacular, local forms and practices. Proposed by Kenneth Frampton in his 1981 “Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance,” critical regionalism seeks to marry new architectural and urban paradigms to the unique qualities of place.

1983—Systems theory— The broad study of a system as a whole made of interconnected components. Systems theory emerged in ecological design as a type of thinking that acknowledged individuals’ responsibility to recognize the implications of their actions in the context of the greater world/ecosystem. Buckminster Fuller pursued synergetics as the study of dynamic, interrelated systems, and he argued alongside Stewart Brand in his Whole Earth Catalog for the fair and efficient management of global resources.

1987—Sustainability— Defined in the 1987 Brundtland Report as “development that meets the needs and aspirations of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs,” sustainable development is a framework for designing and developing systems that ensure certain living conditions for future generations of life on Earth. As a set of principles, the term sustainability lends itself to an evolving ecological discourse and has come to encompass many strategies of achieving enduring life for humans and the planet, including the pursuit of alternative renewable energies, life-cycle assessment techniques in manufacturing, and ensuring potable water and sanitation for all. Sustainable design is the act of creating the built environment, products, and services in ways that align with principles of sustainable development.

1987—Building biology— Also known as Baubiologie , a subdiscipline of building science originating in Germany that studies the indoor environment for air pollutants and radiation under the premise that the quality of the indoor environment is directly related to occupant well-being. Building biologists believe that the environment of residential, commercial and public buildings can affect the health of occupants, producing a restful or stressful environment. A total of 25 principles of building biology were instituted to govern the decision-making process in this area.

1990—Adaptable buildings— Adaptable buildings are inhabitable structures designed for longevity in the present and beyond. Durability in the present and adaptability for future use are often achieved through careful material selection and the incorporation of flexible systems and layout into a building’s design.

1992—Ecological footprint— A measure of the rate at which humans consume resources and generate waste compared to how quickly the planet absorbs human waste and generates new resources. According to the Global Footprint Network, since the 1970s, humanity’s annual demand on natural resources has exceeded that which Earth can regenerate each year.

1993—Integrated design— An approach to the design process in which conventionally disparate subjects are considered together and specialists are involved in all stages of design activity. In 1993, Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) developed the C-2000 program for high-performance buildings. This program comprised energy performance, environmental impacts, water consumption, and airtightness, as well as the functionality of a building. This process came to be known as the Integrated Design Process , in which all components of the project came together in the early stages of design.

1993—Transit-oriented development— The planning of mixed-use residential and commercial communities featuring a highly walkable, open-space environment that encourages residents and employees to travel by transit, bicycle, and foot. Peter Calthorpe developed this concept of urban ecological planning in “The Next American Metropolis” in 1993, and since then, policymakers and planners around the world have adopted this approach.

1996—Ecological design— Defined by Sim Van der Ryn and Stuart Cowan as “any form of design that minimizes environmentally destructive impacts by integrating itself with living processes.” Ecological design is a broad term that aids in encompassing sustainable efforts in architecture, agriculture, engineering, industry, planning, restoration, and other fields.

1999—Net zero building— A building whose total amount of energy consumed is equivalent to or less than the amount of renewable energy created on site or used by the building. The design of net zero buildings aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and dependency on nonrenewable resources and requires a holistic design approach that recognizes features and systems including solar orientation, natural ventilation, and site-specific geological and climactic characteristics.

2000—Anthropocene— The epoch in which human influence on the Earth’s ecosystems has become significant, rivaling the influence of natural Earth processes. First discussed by chemist Paul Crutzen in 2000, the Anthropocene enlists architecture as a geological force, inspiring design and discourse that address the role of architectural design in the changing atmosphere, morphology, and ecosystems of the Earth.

2002—Cradle-to-cradle— Also known as regenerative design , a design method that considers the materials and products of human industry to have cyclical life cycles much like natural water and nutrient cycles. Proposed in 2002 by architect William McDonough and chemist Michael Braungart, cradle-to-cradle design challenges the prior concept of cradle-to-grave design , in which sustainable responsibility ended after a material’s or product’s ultimate disposal.

2010—Dark ecology— The philosophical counterpart to the Anthropocene, as coined by Timothy Morton in “The Ecological Thought.” Dark ecology advocates an ecological worldview that is not detached—an external observance of nature and Earth—but rather a “darker” position, in which human existence is implicated within nature’s fate and existence. It aims to avoid prioritizing human existence over nature.

Appendix 2: Environmental Policy

1894— The American Society of Heating, Refrigerating, and Air-conditioning Engineers (ASHRAE) is founded, with the goal to advance human well-being through sustainable technology, focusing on the energy efficiency of building systems, as well as indoor air quality and refrigeration.

1898— The American Society for Testing and Materials (ASTM) is founded, with the goal to develop and publish technical standards on materials, products, and systems. The leader of the creation of ASTM standards was Charles Benjamin Dudley, and the organization’s headquarters are in West Conshohocken, Pennsylvania.

1918— The American National Standards Institute (ANSI) is founded as a private organization formed by merging five engineering societies and three government agencies. The organization developed voluntary consensus standards for products systems, processes, and services for the United States.

1964— U.S. president Lyndon B. Johnson signs the Wilderness Act, formally written by Howard Zahniser of the Wilderness Society. Passing this act secured 9.1 million acres of federal land and allowed the designation of areas specifically for wilderness.

1969— The National Environmental Protection Act is signed into law, which established requirements for federal agencies to produce assessments of their actions’ environmental consequences. The law continues to form the foundation for governmental environmental protection in the United States.

1970— The United States celebrates Earth Day for the first time on April 22, marking a shift from “conservation” to “environmentalism.”

1972— The Clean Water Act is passed by legislative mandate after it is vetoed by U.S. president Richard M. Nixon. This act establishes regulations to protect against water pollution and empowers federal and state agencies to enforce these regulations. It directs attention toward source points of pollution, and in some cases empowers agencies to develop water standards.

1973— In response to the global energy crisis, the American Institute of Architects (AIA) formed an energy task force, which became the AIA Committee on Energy.

1977— The U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) was created to address energy usage and conservation. The Solar Energy Research Institute (later the National Renewable Energy Laboratory) was founded in Golden, Colorado. President Jimmy Carter signed the Department of Energy Organization Act.

1979— Carter installed 32 solar panels on the roof of the White House in response to the Arab oil embargo, which had caused a national energy crisis. The president called for a campaign to conserve energy and hoped this installation would set an example for the American people.

1980 —Founded in 1980 as the Passive Solar Industries Council, the organization later became the Sustainable Buildings Industry Council (SBIC), a pioneering organization of the whole building approach to sustainable facilities. The council focuses on achieving high-performance buildings through efficient energy use and material selection.

1986— U.S. president Ronald Reagan took down the solar panels that his predecessor, Carter, installed in the White House and shipped them to Unity College in Unity, Maine, an environmentally oriented college. The panels are still installed atop the roof of the school’s cafeteria.

1987— The Brundtland Commission coins the term sustainability as part of the mass lexicon, defining sustainable development as “that which meets all the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.”

1990— The AIA Energy Committee formed into the AIA Committee on the Environment (COTE). The goal of the organization is to enhance the environmental performance of buildings and to serve as a voice of the public. While in the 1970s the AIA Energy committee focused on energy, today COTE frames the process of sustainable design as one that includes the full range of human settlement and ecological issues.

1990— The Talloires Declaration was composed at an international conference in France, as a ten-point action plan for incorporating sustainability and environmental literacy in teaching, research, operations and outreach at colleges and universities. It has since been signed by over 500 university leaders in over 50 countries.

1992— The UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), also known as the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, was a major United Nations (UN) conference held in June 1992. Agenda 21 is a publication produced during the summit that deals with the management of human settlements. It is also a comprehensive plan of action to be taken globally, nationally, and locally by organizations of the UN System, governments, and major groups in every area in which humans affect the environment.

1992— Energy Star, the focus of which is to minimize building energy and water use to protect the environment, is created by the EPA under the authority of the Clean Air Act. Today, the program is managed by the EPA and DOE.

1993— Following the release of Agenda 21 from the Rio Earth Summit, several members of the AIA, together with others representing the Union internationale des Architectes (UIA), or International Union of Architects, issued an addendum to it, published as part of the AIA Environmental Resource Guide . The addendum proposed an extension of the view of the built environment beyond shelter, to include energy harvesting, waste management and reuse, food production and distribution, and water harvesting and handling, as well as facilities for recreation, health, education, and commerce. AIA president Susan Maxman and UIA president Olufemi Majekodunmi signed a declaration of Interdependence for a Sustainable Future by Today, recognized as a turning point in the history of the green building movement.

1993— President Bill Clinton announced plans to make the White House “a model for efficiency and waste reduction.” This encouraged participants to green other properties as well: the Pentagon, the Presidio, and the DOE headquarters.

1993— The U.S. Green Building Council was founded by Rick Fedrizzi, David Gottfried, and Mike Italiano. Its mission is to promote sustainable methods within the construction and building industries.

1993— William Rees and Mathis Wackernagel established the “Ecological Footprint,” defined as the impact that one person or a community of people has on the environment. This is measured through the use of electricity, water, transportation, materials, and other resources, and allows one to realize the amount of negative impact that an entity is having on the environment.

1996— Sim Van der Ryn and Stuart Cowan presented a vision of how the living world and the human world can be rejoined by taking ecology as the basis for design. Ecological design intelligence can be applied at all levels of scale, creating revolutionary forms of buildings, landscapes, cities, and technologies.

1997— The Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement linked to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on December 11. The major feature of the protocol is that it set binding targets for 37 industrialized countries and the European community for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. These amount to an average of 5% against 1990 levels over the five-year period 2008–2012. Recognizing that developed countries are principally responsible for the current high levels of greenhouse gas emissions in the atmosphere as a result of more than 150 years of industrial activity, Kyoto placed a heavier burden on developed nations under the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities.” In 2001, the detailed rules for the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol were adopted at COP 7 in Marrakesh and were dubbed the “Marrakesh Accords.” On February 16, 2005, Kyoto entered into force, although a number of countries have still not ratified it including the US.

1998— The Green Building Challenge was launched, in which representatives from 14 nations met to create an international assessment tool that takes into account regional and national environmental, economic, and social equity conditions.

2000— The Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) began giving awards to buildings that have adopted sustainable techniques, systems, and practices. The rankings of points range from silver to platinum.

2003— The Whole Building Design Guide (WBDG Sustainable Committee) is a complete Internet resource to a wide range of building-related design guidance, criteria and technology. The guide is based on the premise that to create a successful high-performance building, one must apply an integrated design and team approach in all phases of a project, including planning, design, construction, operations, and maintenance. It is managed by the National Institute of Building Sciences.

2005— The Energy Policy Act was passed by the United States Congress and signed into law by President George W. Bush. The act attempts to combat growing energy problems and has changed U.S. energy policy by providing tax incentives and loan guarantees for energy production of various types.

2005— Jason F. McLennan created the Living Building Challenge, turning a collection of theoretical ideas into codified standards. He presented Living Building Challenge version 1.0 to the Cascadia Green Building Council in August 2006, and three months later, it was formally introduced to the public.

2009— The International Green Construction Code (IgCC) became the first model code to include sustainability measures for entire construction projects and their sites—from design through construction, certificate of occupancy, and beyond. The new code is expected to make buildings more efficient, reduce waste, and have a positive impact on health, safety, and community welfare.

Appendix 3: Selected Publications

1962— Rachel Carson published the groundbreaking book Silent Spring , leading to a U.S. ban on dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT). This direct challenge toward what was then considered an uncontroversial technological boon signaled a change in environmental thinking—an understanding that the short-term utility of certain technologies may in fact hide long-term consequences for the ecosystem.

1963— Victor Olgyay published Design with Climate , arguing for a bioclimatic approach to architectural design.

1964— Leo Marx released The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America , a major work of literary criticism that identifies a major theme in 19th-century literature—the dialectical tension between the pastoral ideal in the United States and the rapid and sweeping transformations wrought by machine technology.

1967— Buckminster Fuller published Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth , opening a discussion on the management of global resources and the expansion of spatial perception beyond terrestrial space.

1968— The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) released the famous Earthrise series, photographs of the Earth taken from Apollo 8. Suddenly, mankind could witness its setting from the outside as a collective mirror image, a spectacle which fundamentally destabilized previous perceptions of space and brought to the fore the necessity for a discourse of managing, harnessing and utilizing global currents of a now finite “spaceship-Earth.”

1968— Stewart Brand published the first issue of the Whole Earth Catalog , which drew its inspiration (and readership) from the individualist, back-to-the-land backpacking culture of the late 1960s, but embraced whole systems thinking, intellectual rigor, and exploration of new technology at a time when these concepts were a deviation from the counterculture orthodoxy. Brand revived and popularized the do-it-yourself ethic and disseminated notions of holistic thinking.

1969— Ian McHarg published Design with Nature , a seminal book that urges designers to familiarize with ecological planetary processes by analyzing climate, hydrology, and other scientific areas.

1969— Reyner Banham wrote The Architecture of the Well-Tempered Environment , arguing for the revision of architectural history due to the significant disciplinary impact of mechanical devices integrated into building design to regulate climate.

1970— John McHale published The Ecological Context , a continuation of Buckminster Fuller’s Design Science Decade, advocating for the strategic management and redistribution of global resources.

1972— The Club of Rome released The Limits to Growth , which pioneered the use of computer models to illustrate the Malthusian consequences of exponential population growth on a planet with finite resources.

1975— Brenda and Robert Vale published their influential book The Autonomous House: Design and Planning for Self-sufficiency , documenting the architects’ building in the British Midlands based on the principles of sustainable consumption of resources. The authors intended to demonstrate, through their example, a building that operates off the grid for energy, water, and waste.

1991— Brenda and Robert Vale published the book Green Architecture: Design for a Sustainable Future , establishing six principles for green architecture: conserving energy, working with climate, minimizing new resources, respect for users, respect for site, and holism.

1993— Peter Calthorpe wrote The Next American Metropolis , further developing his ideas on transit-oriented developments, an idea that originated from his Pedestrian Pocket Book in 1986.

1995— Sim van der Ryn and Stuart Cowan published the book Ecological Design , presenting a vision of ecological design intelligence as an effective adaptation and integration with nature’s processes.

1997— Kenneth Yeang compiled his theories on bioclimatic skyscrapers in the book The Skyscraper, Bioclimatically Considered . He is credited as the inventor of the “bioclimatic skyscraper” as a genre.

2000— Peter Buchanan curated an exhibition entitled “Ten Shades of Green” at the Architectural League of New York, which stated that green design is not only about energy efficiency, and it is not purely a technical matter. Instead, it involves a whole nexus of interrelated issues, the social, cultural, psychological and economic dimensions. “Ten Shades” refers to 10 key issues that need to be considered to create a fully green architecture: low-energy/high-performance, replenishable sources; recycling; embodied energy; long life, loose fit; total life cycle cost; being embedded in place; access and urban context; health and happiness; and community and connection.

2002— Cradle to Cradle: Remaking the Way We Make Things , a nonfiction book by German chemist Michael Braungart and U.S. architect William McDonough, is released. It calls for a radical change in industry: a switch from a cradle-to-grave pattern to a cradle-to-cradle pattern. It also suggests that the “reduce, reuse, recycle” method perpetuates this cradle-to-grave strategy, and that more changes need to be made.

2002— David W. Orr published the book The Nature of Design: Ecology, Culture, and Human Intention , arguing for an ecological design revolution that changes how humans provide food, shelter, energy, materials, and livelihood, and deal with waste. He conceptualizes “design” in a larger framework that engages as much with politics and ethics as with buildings and technology. The book combines theory, practicality, and a call to action.

2008— The Canadian Center for Architecture in Montreal (CCA) curated the influential exhibition “Sorry, Out of Gas,” which reflected on architecture’s response to the 1973 energy crisis and prognosticating forthcoming energy crises.

Acknowledgments

This work has been conducted in collaboration with Emily Klein, an undergraduate student at the School of Architecture of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and a research assistant for this project. Emily’s has been a research assistant for the project, whose insights and contributions to the text have been vital.

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The Ecological Niche: History and Recent Controversies

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In this chapter, we first trace the history of the concept of ecological niche and see how its meanings varied with the search for a theory of ecology. The niche concept has its roots in the Darwinian view of ecosystems that are structured by the struggle for survival and, originally, the niche was perceived as an invariant place within the ecosystem, that would preexist the assembly of the ecosystem. The concept then slipped towards a sense in which the niche, no longer a pre-existing ecosystem structure, eventually became a variable that would in turn have to be explained by the competitive exclusion principle and the coevolution of species. This concept, while more operational from an empirical point of view than the previous one, suffered from an ill-founded definition. A recent refoundation by Chase & Leibold enabled to overcome some of the definitional difficulties.

We then present how, in contemporary ecology, the niche concept is recruited to explain biodiversity and species coexistence patterns. In parallel, neutralist models, by successfully explaining some ecological patterns without resorting to explanations in terms of niche, have questioned the explanatory virtues of the niche concept.

After this presentation, it seems that the fortunes and misfortunes of the niche concept can be seen as a reflection of the difficulties of ecology to give birth to a theory that would be both predictive and explanatory.

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Introduction to niches and mechanisms in ecology and evolution

Defining the niche for niche construction: evolutionary and ecological niches

The ‘niche’ in niche-based theorizing: much ado about nothing

Julve ( 2005 ) provides a synthetic list of actors of seemingly ecological ideas since ancient times.

For both authors: (1) the ecological equivalents were the rationale for the concept, as an evidence that similar niches existed in different places, (2) the niche was seen as a place that existed independently of its occupant, (3) food was a major component of the niche but the niche was not restricted to food, as it also included the micro-habitat factors and the relationship to predators. However, Elton’s definition being more vague, several species could share the same niche (Griesemer 1992 : 235). In addition, Elton explicitly excluded macro-habitat factors, which was not the case for Grinnell. (See Schoener 1989 : 86–87 for a detailed discussion of the relationship of these two concepts.)

Griesemer ( 1992 : 235–236) notices that the two concepts are better distinguished with respect to the research programs in which they were inserted, rather than to differences between some of their respective definitions: Grinnell focused on the environment to explain speciation, while Elton focused on the structure of the communities.

Schoener ( 1989 : 85), acknowledging Gaffney (1973, here cited as 1975 ), notices in particular the precedence of Johnson ( 1910 ). Johnson used the word in a way similar to Grinnell’s concept: species must occupy different niches in a region, because of the importance of competition in the Darwinian theory. However, Johnson observed that the lady-beetles he studied did not seem to show a clear niche distinction – an observation, Schoener remarks, that was to be repeated many times on arthropods in later studies. Hutchinson ( 1978 : 156), who studied the books available to Grinnell from 1910 to 1914, did not find Johnson’s work in them (Schoener 1989 : 85).

Schoener also reports the work of another contemporary, Taylor ( 1916 ), who worked with Grinnell, and who also focused on ecological equivalents (Schoener 1989 : 84). Taylor however, Schoener notices, rather than imagining that the repetition of local adaptive radiations to similar niches between different locations would lead to convergences, suggested that the same group of organisms would fill the same niche in different geographical areas. Barriers to dispersal could thus prevent some niches to be filled.

In their historical introduction, Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 7–8) give a quick and edifying portrait of such studies in vegetal ecology: “For example, Tansley ( 1917 ) performed experiments that showed how plant species competed and coexisted, in a sense vying for shared niche space. Tansley also explicitly contrasted the conditions in which a species could theoretically exist with the actual conditions in which it did exist: ideas generally attributed to Hutchinson ( 1957 ) in his discussion of “fundamental” and “realized” niches (…). Salisbury ( 1929 ) furthered this distinction and suggested that the similarity in species requirements was strongly related to the intensity of their competition – much the same concept as appears in the more widely appreciated work of Gause (1936)” (referred here as Gause 1934 ).

“… if the species lay claim to the very same “niche”, and are more or less equivalent as concerns the utilization of the medium, then the coefficient α [in Lotka-Volterra’s equations] will approach unity” (Gause 1934 : chap. III).

“It appears that the properties of the corresponding [Lotka-Volterra] equation of the struggle for existence are such that if one species has any advantage over the other it will inevitably drive it out completely (Chapter III). It must be noted here that it is very difficult to verify these conclusions under natural conditions. (…) There being but a single niche in the conditions of the experiment it is very easy to investigate the course of the displacement of one species by another.” (Gause 1934 : chap. V)

By contrast, in France, L’Héritier and Teissier ( 1935 ), who carried out experiments on the coexistence of two species of Drosophila, came (in agreement with some experimental results of Gause 1934 ) to the conclusion that “two species sharing the same resource in an environment and using it in an apparently identical way may survive side by side in a state of approximate balance.” (see Gayon and Veuille 2001 : 88). On the status of the competitive exclusion principle, seen as an a priori , and therefore irrefutable, principle, see Hardin ( 1960 : 1293).

The first formulation of the niche concept by Hutchinson is to be found in a footnote, in a paper in limnology (Hutchinson 1944 : 20). Schoener ( 1989 : 91) reports a very similar formulation (in french) in a book by Kostitzin ( 1935 : 43): “Imagine a multi-dimensional symbolic space representing the vital factors: p = pressure, T = temperature, I = illumination, etc.. In this space every living creature at a given time occupies a point, a species may be represented by a set of points.”. Hutchinson ( 1978 : 158, quoted in Schoener 1989 : 91) acknowledged having been informed of Kostitzin’s work in the 1940s, without, however, remembering it when formulating his definition in 1944.

Note that predation will also be set aside in the development of the neutral theory.

The environmental and populational niches are however incommensurable if one holds the view that species make some ecological factors relevant that could not be suspected to be so before observing the species (that is, if species and niches are co-constituted, see e.g. similar views in Drake et al. 2007 ; Longo et al. 2012 ).

The operational difficulties of Hutchinson’s concept come from the (binary) formalism of the set theory he used. They are already partly mentioned by Hutchinson ( 1957 : 417) and discussed in length by Schoener ( 1989 : 93).

All points of the fundamental niche represent the possibility of indefinite existence while all points outside the fundamental niche represent non-indefinite viability. Now, for the ecologist, the performance of a species cannot be reduced to a binary variable. (I thank François Munoz for an insightful comment on this point.) Despite this simplification, a major difficulty is to empirically determine the environmental states that allow the population to survive, because the viability of a population is difficult to assess – especially in the field. Similarly, it is physically impossible to measure the survival of a population at one point of the environmental values, and less precise measurements are likely to ignore the extent of the impact of competing species on the realized niche. Hutchinson ( 1978 : 159, quoted in Schoener 1989 : 93) proposed to use the average values instead, but this would lack both biological relevance (the same average can represent very different biological realities) and relevance for the limiting similarity (the niche width and overlap would not be represented).

Another difficulty concerns the nature of the environmental variables considered: strictly speaking, it is the occurrence of a factor (for example, the frequency of the seeds of a certain size) that is one axis of the niche, and not the measurement of this factor (seed size) (see Hutchinson 1957 : 421, fig. 1 shown above: the axes are respectively “temperature” and “size of food”). This is because organisms compete, if any competition, for places in the biotope space, not for places in the niche space. This gets particularly clear if one considers possible biotopes where the places corresponding to the intersection of the two fundamental niches would be non-limiting. As Schoener ( 1989 : 94) puts it: “Hutchinson’s formulation of niche overlap acts as if competing species are placed together in arenas having single values of such niche dimensions as food size or temperature. (…) But real arenas where populations interact are characterized by distributions of values over axes of resource availability, not by single values.”. A similar problem exists with the concept of utilization niche, as it also uses the measurement of a factor and not the measurement of its occurrence (see below).

Besides, niche theory was considered as inappropriate or of limited use by some botanists, who insisted on the fact that all autotrophic plants “need light, carbon dioxide, water and the same mineral nutrients” (Grubb 1977 : 107) and that a substantial partitioning of these resources seems impossible (but see Sect. 3.4.3). Among them, Grubb pleaded for an extended definition of the niche, including notably the regeneration niche – that is, the way plants colonize the gaps arising in the environment (Grubb 1977 : 119). Fagerström and Agren ( 1979 ) have used models to show how different regeneration properties (i.e. temporal average and variance, and phenology, of diaspore production) could enable coexistence.

See also the treatment by Looijen ( 1998 : Chap. 11 , esp. pp. 184–185).

See the review by Schoener ( 1989 : 97), and the discussions by e.g. Schoener ( 1974 ), Neill ( 1974 ), May ( 1975 ), and references therein.

See Schoener ( 1989 : 97), Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 13), and references therein.

These and other models are briefly reviewed in Schoener ( 1989 : 98–99).

The word comes from Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 11).

Pielou ( 1975 : e.g. 80, 1977 ) seems to have been a pioneer (Keddy 1998 : 753) who has been overlooked, which might be brought into perspective with Simberloff’s style, which was “perceived as arrogant and combative” (Lewin 1983 : 639).

See e.g. Gotelli and Graves ( 1996 : chap. 1 ), Looijen ( 1998 : chap. 13 ), Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 13), and references therein.

On adaptation, See Grandcolas, and Downes, this volume (Ed. note)

Stress: a factor having a negative impact on the organism and on which the organism has no impact ( sensu Chase and Leibold 2003 : 26, table 2).

See Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 13–14) and references therein.

See also e.g. MacArthur and Levins ( 1964 : 1208), MacArthur ( 1972 : e.g. 37–40) and other predecessors cited in Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 16).

To be precise, Leibold ( 1995 ) and Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 15–61) refer to the union of the requirements of the organism and its impacts: “[the niche is] the joint description of the environmental conditions that allow a species to satisfy its minimum requirements so that the birth rate of a local population is equal to or greater than its death rate along with the set of per capita effects of that species on these environmental conditions” (p. 15). The generalization of the definition to the organism responses seems natural (see e.g . Meszéna et al. 2006 ).

See Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : chap. 2 , esp. table 2, p. 26).

See e.g. Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : fig. 2.4 p. 27, p. 44).

Pocheville ( 2010 : chap. 2 , esp. pp. 75–77) provides a more thorough critique of the symmetry between niche construction and natural selection. This point will be further deepened in a forthcomming paper, aimed at showing in which cases niche construction theory produces radical theoretical novelty.

Watt and Hogan ( 2000 : 1427) give the following definition: “Although [the question of what a stem cell is] remains contentious after 30 years of debate (…) the prevailing view is that stem cells are cells with the capacity for unlimited or prolonged self-renewal that can produce at least one type of highly differentiated descendant. Usually, between the stem cell and its terminally differentiated progeny there is an intermediate population of committed progenitors with limited proliferative capacity and restricted differentiation potential, sometimes known as transit amplifying cells.” Laplane ( 2013 ) provides a thorough discussion of the stem cell concept.

Though the stem cell niche concept has been later claimed to come by analogy with the ecological niche concept (e.g. Powell 2005 : 268, see also Papayannopoulou and Scaddeb 2008 ), it does not seem to have been imported from the ecological literature by Schofield. I thank Lucie Laplane for drawing my attention to this point.

It has been shown that tumoral cells can mobilize normal bone marrow cells, have them migrate to particular regions and change the local environment so that it attracts and supports the development of a metastasis (Steeg 2005 ).

Work on cell niche sometimes explicitly refers to the concept of ecological niche (e.g. Powell 2005 : 269). Work on the “niche construction” by the cells, however, does not seem to have been inspired by Odling-Smee’s and colleagues’ program (e.g. Bershad et al. 2008 ).

We briefly discussed this point in Pocheville ( 2010 : chap. III).

See Delord, Chap. 25 , this volume. (Ed. note)

See Meszéna et al. ( 2006 ) for an examination of the structural stability (robustness of coexistence against changes of parameters) of models of stable coexistence.

Here, we use the word “mechanism” in the – very broad – sense used in ecology: practically any form of generation of a pattern can be considered as a mechanism (e.g. Strong et al. 1984 : 5&220, Bell 2000 : 606, Hubbell 2001 : 114, Leigh 2007 : 2087; see the brief discussions in Turner et al. 2001 : 53 and McGill et al. 2007 : 1001). For example, the intensity of competition in a Lotka-Volterra model can be seen, in our view, as a mechanism for the exclusion of two species, while the consumption of the same resource by two species in a Tilman model can be seen as a mechanism, among other possible mechanisms, for the intensity of competition (Tilman 1982 : 6, 1987 : 769; Chesson 2000 : 345). In this sense we say that a Tilman model is “more mechanistic” than a Lotka-Volterra model (e.g. Chase and Leibold 2003 : 13), qualified as “more phenomenological” (see Mikkelson 2005 : 561).

We draw reader’s attention to the fact that here, fitness is not averaged over time but over all environmental states, e.g. the different values of resource availability (Chesson 2000 : 346–7353) or the relative frequency of species (Adler et al. 2007 : 96: fig. 1, 97: fig. 2). Last, we also speak of an average fitness in the sense of the per capita growth rate, averaged among individuals within a population.

Negative frequency-dependence : most frequent populations are disadvantaged. Negative density-dependence: for each population, the per capita growth rate decreases as density increases. While negative frequency-dependence can emerge from negative density-dependence (e.g., when each species has a specific niche which can support a given maximum density), density-dependence is not sufficient to generate frequency-dependence: each species must, in addition, reduce its own growth more than those of others (Chesson 2000 : 348; Adler et al. 2007 : 97). (Note that density-dependence is not necessary for frequency-dependence to occur: for instance rock-paper-scissors games can arise without any obvious link to underlying limiting conditions (e.g. Sinervo and Lively 1996 ).)

In neutral theory, fitness equality is defined at the individual level (regardless of the species), which implies equality at the population level (the reverse is not true).

We would like to draw once again the reader’s attention to the fact that these stabilizing feedbacks are not sufficient in themselves to ensure the stability of coexistence. Put in the graphical terms of Fig. 26.2 given here, niche partitioning will be expressed as a correlation between zero net growth isoclines and impact vectors, and equalizing mechanisms as a proximity of the intercepts of the zero net growth isoclines (Chase and Leibold 2003 : 43).

On predation and parasitism see also Chesson ( 2000 : 356–357) and references therein.

Robustness here is meant in the sense of structural stability (model robustness to parameters changes) (Meszéna et al. 2006 : 69–70). On the concept of model robustness see Levins ( 1966 : 423–427) and for instance, the critique by Orzack and Sober ( 1993 : 538), and the account by Lesne ( 2012 : 1–3).

A population is subject to an Allee effect when “the overall individual fitness, or one of its components, is positively related to population size or density” (Courchamp et al. 2008 : 4, see also p. 10: box 1.1). This effect can be explained by difficulties in finding breeding partners, or by the need for a group to reach a critical mass to be able to exploit a resource or deal with predation (Courchamp et al. 2008 : chap. 2 ).

We draw reader’s attention to the fact that this stabilizing mechanism is different from the niche partitioning with respect to predation exposed above.

To be precise, in this case we would speak of niche restriction rather than niche partitioning (e.g. Rohde 2005 : 51–52).

See Rohde ( 2005 : chap. 5 , quoted here from p. 82) and other works in the 1970s by the same author (e.g. Rohde 1979 ).

See e.g. the discussion by Looijen ( 1998 : chap. XIII).

“I believe that community ecology will have to rethink completely the classical niche-assembly paradigm from first principles.” (Hubbell 2001 : 320).

For simplicity, we use in this section the term “niche theory” in a broad sense (equivalent to the niche-assembly perspective in Hubbell’s terms, 2001 : 8), to mean the corpus of models that are based on the niche concept – and not, in the strict sense, the research program of MacArthur & Levins evoked in Sect. 1.4 .

To be precise, we already find the idea of neutral variation in Darwin (e.g. 1859 : 46): “These facts [an inordinate amount of variation in some genera] seem to be very perplexing, for they seem to show that this kind of variability is independent of the conditions of life. I am inclined to suspect that we see in these polymorphic genera variations in points of structure which are of no service or disservice to the species, and which consequently have not been seized on and rendered definite by natural selection (…)”

However, Hutchinson still considered the competitive exclusion principle as a starting point (Hutchinson 1961 : 143), envisageing to explain unexpectedly high levels of diversity in functional terms, among others: non-equilibrium competitive dynamics (Hutchinson 1941 , cited and deepened in Hutchinson 1961 : 138), the mosaic nature of the environment (Hutchinson 1959 : 154), and the supposed stability of more complex trophic relationships (Hutchinson 1959 : 150).

Schoener ( 1983b ) cited in Loreau and Mouquet ( 1999 : 427), Chase and Leibold ( 2003 : 177–178).

Drift: variation in frequency (here, allelic frequency) due to a random sampling effect in the population: the offspring population of alleles represents a (finite) sample of the parental population. In virtue of the law of large numbers, the larger the sample, the more representative it is.

On neutrality in population genetics, see Leigh ( 2007 : 2076), and references therein.

See Chave ( 2004 : 244) for a discussion on the emergence of neutral models in ecology. Alonso et al. ( 2006 : 452: table 1) provide a useful comparison of the main parameters used in the two neutral theories.

Migration had already been studied in population genetics, but never had a central status as in Hubbell’s theory (Alonso et al. 2006 : 452).

See also Hubbell ( 1997 ).

See Hubbell ( 2001 : esp. chap. 1 , 5 , 6 ) and the presentations by Chave ( 2004 : esp. p. 245.: fig. 2) and Leigh ( 2007 ). Beeravolu et al. ( 2009 ) provide a remarkable review of neutral models. McGill et al. ( 2006 : table 1) provide a usefull comparison of existing neutral models.

It is in particular the case when two species are exactly similar (for instance, if they have exactly the same genes and allelic frequencies as for the functional aspects) and are only inter-sterile: there would be intraspecific, but not interspecific, competition. Hubbell ( 2006 ) proposed (without, however, stating it explicitly) such a mechanism to explain the evolution of neutrality at the interspecific level. (A similar result would probably be obtained assuming no limitation on (epi)mutations at the intraspecific level.) Chave ( 2004 : 249) quicky discusses how restrictive the assumption of individual equivalence is.

Bell ( 2000 : 613) proposed a different – and compatible – definition: “Even the notion of ecological equivalence is rather vague; I shall take it to refer to a set of species for each member of which no interaction with another member is positive. If community structure is determined to some extent by competition, then at least one interaction for each member is negative; the neutral model is the limiting case in which all interactions are negative and equal.”

Neutral theory considers fitness equivalence at the individual level (e.g. Hubbell 2001 : 6), which implies fitness equivalence at the population level.

On the use of these terms, see e.g. Hubbell ( 2001 : 6, 2005 : 166, 2006 ), and the discussion in Clark ( 2009 : 9). For instance Hubbell’s following statement shows a slippage between demographic and functional equivalence: “These life history trade-offs equalize the per capita relative fitness of species in the community, which set the stage for ecological drift.” (Hubbell 2001 : 346, briefly discussed in Alonso et al. 2006 : 455, similar statements can be found elsewhere in the literature, see e.g. Kraft et al. 2008 : 582: note 11). Notice, however, that a full ecological drift would in addition require the absence of any stabilizing mechanisms (an absence that seems to be implicitly hypothesized by Hubbell 2001 : 327–328). The word trade-off itself is ambiguous, as trade-offs can theoretically produce both equalizing and/or stabilizing effects (Chesson 2000 : 346–347), be they trophic (e.g. Clark et al. 2003 ) or life-history trade-offs (e.g. Clark et al. 2004 ). Chase and Leibold ( 2003 ), as for them, seem to use trade-offs (here in niche use) as explanantes of stabilization in their whole book: “That is, Hubbell’s hypothetical species show no niche differences or trade-offs.” (p. 42, note the contrast with Hubbell’s quote above). Clark ( 2009 : 9) shows, using Lotka-Volterra equations, how species can have identical parameters (demographic equivalence) while displaying stable coexistence, in particular if there are trade-offs that entail that each species negatively impacts itself more than it impacts the other (functional differences). (Functional equivalence would in this case be represented by an equivalence of the intra- and inter-specific competition terms for each, and all, species. Notice that, still, it would not imply that species be ecologically equivalent, as Lotka-Volterra parameters can be ecologically multiply realized (see Clark 2009 : fig. 1).)

That is, complete overlap of responses and impacts to environmental factors in Chase’s and Leibold’s ( 2003 : 23) account. Note that with this concept, two species having exactly the same niche behave neutrally, and the only “competitive exclusion” occuring is mere drift.

See Chave ( 2008 : 18–20) for a short comparison of niche vs dispersal assembly frameworks. See Beeravolu et al. ( 2009 : 2605–7) for a review of the different kinds of spatial neutral models.

See esp. Hubbell ( 2001 : chap. 5 ) and the quick and didactic presentation by Alonso et al. ( 2006 : 453: box 2).

See Bell ( 2001 : 2417), Bell et al. ( 2001 : 121–128), Bell ( 2005 ).

See Gotteli and Graves ( 1996 : chap. I), Bell ( 2001 : 2416), Bell ( 2005 : 1757–1758) and references therein.

As we have seen, Darwin ( 1859 : 46, quoted above) already aknowledged the possibility of neutral differences in phenotypes; he however supposed that the abundances of species in an ecosystem could not be explained by chance, but by the struggle between kinds: “When we look at the plants and bushes clothing an entangled bank, we are tempted to attribute their proportional numbers and kinds to what we call chance. But how false a view is this! Every one has heard that when an American forest is cut down, a very different vegetation springs up; but it has been observed that the trees now growing on the ancient Indian mounds, in the Southern United States, display the same beautiful diversity and proportion of kinds as in the surrounding virgin forests. What a struggle between the several kinds of trees must here have gone on during long centuries, each annually scattering its seeds by the thousand; (…)” (Darwin 1859 : 74–75).

See Bell et al. ( 2006 ) and Leigh ( 2007 : 2081), for reviews.

Overyielding: positive correlation between the productivity and the diversity of a community.

Hubbell ( 2006 : 1395) argues that he found no evidence for overyielding in the tropical forest on Barro Colorado Island.

See Beeravolu et al. ( 2009 : 2607).

Munoz et al. ( 2007 ) have proposed an approach that relaxes the speciation modalities and do not imply any estimation of the speciation parameter. The estimation of the speciation parameter seems generally highly unreliable, contrary to the estimation of the migration parameter, that seems more robust (on parameter estimation, see also Beeravolu et al. 2009 ). I thank François Munoz for an insightful comment on this point.

Unless explicitly stated, this part draws on the remarkable review by Bell et al. ( 2006 ).

E.g. Watterson ( 1974 ), Caswell ( 1976 ), Hubbell ( 1979 , 1997 , 2001 : 11&17, chap. 5 ), Volkov et al. ( 2003 ).

E.g. Bramson et al. ( 1996 , 1998 ), Hubbell ( 2001 : chap. 6 ), but see Leigh ( 2007 : 2080).

See e.g. Bell ( 2001 , 2005 ), Bell et al. ( 2006 ).

See e.g. Hubbell ( 2001 : 320–321), or this interview of Hubbell by Baker ( 2002 ): “Look, I think the biggest question to come out of the neutral theory is: “Why does it work so well?” I’m as puzzled as the next person. But one idea is these trade-offs.” (Notice that here Hubbell still seeks to explain neutrality in functional terms, while a possibly more neutral explanation would be that environmental variations in space and time are such that the environment is not selective, as for instance with fractal perturbations; a case briefly discussed in Pocheville 2010 : 85–86).

See Puyeo et al. ( 2007 : 1017), McGill et al. ( 2007 : esp. 1001) and references therein; see also Chave ( 2004 : 247–248).

The controversy about SADs draws back to Fisher et al. ( 1943 ) and Preston ( 1948 ). According to Fisher et al. ( 1943 ) the expected number N of species having n individuals in a sample can be described by a log-serie: N  = α n /n , where α (a parameter now known as Fisher’s α) is a measure of species diversity. According to Preston ( 1948 ), the log-serie lacked the bell-shape he observed in his data on bird abundances, a phenomenon he attributed to the presence of trully rare species that are hardly detectable in small samples (a concept now known as Preston’s veil line). Preston ( 1948 ) remarked that, by contrast, a log-normal distribution fitted his data. See Hubbell ( 2001 : 31–37) and McGill et al. ( 2007 : 998–999,1004–1005) for short historical introductions, emphasizing respectively the theoretical and empirical sides.

The maximum entropy technique consists in describing the microscopic degrees of freedom of a system (e.g. the species abundances) by the probability distribution that maximizes the Shannon entropy, under a set of macroscopic constraints (such as bounded mean abundance). On entropy maximization in ecology, see also Banavar and Maritan ( 2007 ), Banavar et al. ( 2010 ), Dewar and Porté ( 2008 ) and the controversy between Shipley et al. ( 2006 ) and Shipley ( 2009 ), and Haegeman and Loreau ( 2008 , 2009 ). Haegeman and Loreau ( 2008 ) provide a nice and critical introduction to the technique.

See Hubbell ( 2001 : 125–126, 150, chap. 6 , 280).

E.g. Hengeveld and Haeck ( 1981 , cited in Brown 1995 : 24, 1982 ), Brown ( 1995 : 32, et al. 1996 )

Note that qualitative patterns (e.g. Bell et al. 2001 : 133) could be an insufficient method to detect selective processes.

See Bell et al. ( 2001 : 129,132), Bell ( 2003 ), Bell ( 2005 ), Bell et al. ( 2006 : 1380–1381, 1383–1384)

See McGill et al. ( 2006 : 1414). Such a question is already mentionned by MacArthur ( 1972 : 21), and is repeated, in a less general form, in Chesson and Huntly ( 1997 : 520), quoted in Hubbell ( 2001 : 9–10). Leigh ( 2007 : 2080) raises, in passing, a similar question. Hubbell ( 1997 : S9) interprets the niche assembly perspective of ecologists (vs the dispersal assembly perspective of biogeographers) as a mark of the different processes occuring on the respective scales of these disciplines. See also the three-levels spatially implicit neutral model of Munoz et al. ( 2008 : 117)

A major difficulty of this research program is to separate the effects of the environmental variability (on fitness) from the effects of physical/biological distances (on dispersal), for there is a covariation between environment similarity and distance in natural landscapes: environmental variability tends to increase with the geographic distance, and the biologically perceived distance tends to increase with environmental variability (due to barriers to dispersal for instance – such barriers need not be, of course, purely “neutral”, i.e . , equivalent for all species). Fort short discussions of this issue, see Bell (2006: 1382), Chave ( 2008 : 21–23). Borcard et al. ( 1992 , see also Legendre and Legendre 2012 ) proposed a method to statistically partition environment from distance, implemented in Gilbert and Lechowicz ( 2004 : 7653) who found “strong evidence of niche-structuring but almost no support for neutral predictions” ( 2004 : 7651). Jeliazkov ( 2013 : Chap. III) performed an implementation in a similar vein, finding that the environment explained a major part of the community variation only when it was joined to a spatial component. On dispersal as a non-neutral phenomenon see Clark ( 2009 : 12).

In other terms, while the composition of a neutral community does not show any equilibrium nor resilience, it is not the case for the caracteristics of this composition (species number, relative frequencies, etc.).

A similar counterargument has been opposed by Hubbell ( 2001 : 330–331) to the conclusions reached by Terborgh et al. ( 1996 ) on floodplain forests and Pandolfi ( 1996 ) on a paleo-reconstruction of coral reefs. Leigh ( 2007 : 2082) points to the fact that Hubbell’s ( 2001 : 331) and Volkov et al.’s ( 2004 ) arguments rely on “the fictitious concept of a panmictic source pool”, a fiction that contrasts with a – desirable – approach studying the long-range correlations produced by local dispersal alone (as hypothesized by Bell et al. 2006 : 1382). As another step in the controversy, Dornelas et al. ( 2006 ) have shown that Indo-Pacific coral communities exhibit far more variable, and lower on average, community similarities than expected by neutrality.

The debate is quickly summarized in Bell et al. ( 2006 : 1379) and Leigh ( 2007 : 2081–2082).

E.g. Hubbell ( 2001 : 220), McGill et al. ( 2005 : 16706), Bell et al. ( 2006 : 1379), Gewin ( 2006 : 1309), Daleo et al. ( 2009 : 547). These terms are not new, as in the 1970s Lewontin for instance could write: “Genetic variation is removed from populations by both random and deterministic forces” (Lewontin 1974 : 192).

See Malaterre & Merlin, Chap. 17 , this volume (Ed. note)

We mean here by “directionnal” a direction in the composition dynamics (of alleles or species frequencies for instance) or in spatial patterns of distributions. Drift, by contrast, can be considered as a noise: it “explains” to what extent we cannot know the direction. (This, of course, does not hold for parameters that are explananda of neutral theory, such as the number of alleles/species, mentionned in the preceding section.)

This notion of epistemic randomness is, to our knowledge, the most common notion of randomness in ecology (e.g. Clark 2009 : 10: “First, there is no evidence for stochasticity in nature at observable scales. Stochasticity is an attribute of models”). To be precise, random terms could also be considered to reflect deterministically random phenomena, as in classical physics, or intrinsically random phenomena, as in quantum physics. Other concepts of randomness could be developed for ecology. The distinction between direction/dispersion proposed here holds for epitemic randomness.

This explanandum is significant in, for instance, the review by Lavergne et al. ( 2010 ).

Huneman ( 2012 ) questions in the same vein the conception of causation (counterfactual vs statistical) required to make sense of natural selection (by contrast with drift) in evolutionary biology.

Neutral theory has not always been perceived as a null hypothesis. Bell ( 2001 : 2418) distinguishes two versions of the theory: “The weak version recognizes that the NCM [neutral community model] is capable of generating patterns that resemble those arising from survey data, without acknowledging that it correctly identifies the underlying mechanism responsible for generating these patterns. The role of the NCM is then restricted to providing the appropriate null hypothesis when evaluating patterns of abundance and diversity. (…) The strong version is that the NCM is so successful precisely because it has correctly identified the principal mechanism underlying patterns of abundance and diversity. This has much more revolutionary consequences, because it involves accepting that neutral theory will provide a new conceptual foundation for community ecology and therefore for its applied arm, conservation biology.”

A similar argument would hold for implicitly spatial models (involving limited dispersal without necessarily defining a distance between communities): dispersal, even symmetric, is not “null” regarding the niche.

The a priori principle belongs to the same familiy than the strong adaptationist principle, that can be formulated as, for example: “every trait is an adaptation to a selection pressure, even if this pressure is not shown”, or: “it is the fittest who survives, even if fitness is not shown”. (On adaptationism, see Orzack and Sober 2001 , in particular the chapter by Godfrey-Smith.)

I am indebted to Philippe Huneman for having drawn my attention to this point.

The author wish to thank Frédéric Bouchard, Antoine Collin, Régis Ferrière, Jean Gayon, Philippe Huneman, Maël Montévil, Michel Morange, François Munoz, Aurélien Pocheville and Marc Silberstein, whose suggestions enabled to greatly improve previous versions of the manuscript. Sylvie Beaud and Robert Pocheville were of considerable help for the translation of the french version. This work consists in a partial update of a previous work in French (Pocheville 2009 ), realized while the author was benefiting from a funding from the Frontiers in Life Sciences PhD Program and from the Liliane Bettencourt Doctoral Program. This update was realized while the author was benefiting from a Postdoctoral Fellowship from the Center for Philosophy of Science, University of Pittsburgh.

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Pocheville, A. (2015). The Ecological Niche: History and Recent Controversies. In: Heams, T., Huneman, P., Lecointre, G., Silberstein, M. (eds) Handbook of Evolutionary Thinking in the Sciences. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9014-7_26

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The history of natural history and race: Decolonizing human dimensions of ecology

Maria n. miriti.

1 Department of Evolution, Ecology and Organismal Biology, The Ohio State University, Columbus Ohio, USA

Ariel J. Rawson

2 Department of Geography, The Ohio State University, Columbus Ohio, USA

Becky Mansfield

Associated data.

Empirical data were not used for this research.

Natural history, loosely defined as the observational study of organisms in the habitats where they occur, is recognized at the roots of ecology. Although the centrality of natural history in ecology has shifted over time, natural history is currently in resurgence: many again consider it to be the foundation of ecological and evolutionary inquiry and advocate the value of organism‐centered approaches to address contemporary ecological challenges. Educators identify natural history as the foundational entryway into the practice of ecology, for example in the Ecological Society of America's Four‐Dimensional Ecology Education (4DEE) framework. A strong natural history foundation can help generate testable hypotheses to refine mechanistic understanding of the drivers regulating species distributions and abundances and to inform restoration and conservation efforts. Given the resurgence of natural history as the foundation for ecological knowledge and practice, it is important to recognize that natural history has a long history of racism that has impacted ecological thought and priorities. This history shapes not only who conducts ecological science but also foundational ecological concepts. For example, natural history's emphasis on pristine nature untouched by humans disregards or appropriates stewardship and knowledge of most of the world's population. Because of the legacy of chattel slavery, this exclusion is particularly strong for people of African descent. This exclusion narrows ecological inquiry, limits the capacity to find solutions to ecological problems, and risks interventions that perpetuate the relation between eugenics, ecological knowledge, and natural systems. If ecology is to become an inclusive, responsive, and resilient discipline, this knowledge gap must be addressed. We here present the colonial and racist underpinnings of natural history and offer strategies to expand inclusion in the study of nature. Natural history was steeped in racism, providing a hierarchy of cultures and a taxonomy of races. Complementing growing interest in traditional and Indigenous ecological knowledge, we focus on Black ecological knowledge, for example in the study of “maroon ecologies.” Addressing the racist history of natural history is necessary for removing structural and racist barriers to diverse participation and expanding ecological knowledge bases in service of better and more just science.

INTRODUCTION

As natural history experiences a current revival, it is especially important to acknowledge that natural history is not race‐neutral and has exploited the knowledge systems of Black, Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC). Until the field grapples with this, a call to elevate natural history is a call to elevate ecology's racist, exclusionary origins. In general, skewed racial participation in academia, such as is seen in ecology (Beck et al.,  2014 ), reflects racial biases in institutional cultures (Corneille et al.,  2019 ; Henry,  2015 ; Tate & Page,  2018 ), and implicates institutional reticence to confront embedded racialized systems, particularly in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) (Miriti,  2020 ). As Vakil and Ayers ( 2019 ) caution, STEM is not independent of socio‐political and cultural biases. Scientific values and knowledge production frequently omit the contributions and experiences of those outside the dominant culture (Longino,  1990 ; Taylor,  1997 ) and typically ignore racial and gendered assumptions and practices inherent to conducting science (Prescod‐Weinstein,  2020 ; Trisos et al.,  2021 ). Low diversity in individual disciplines or institutions perpetuates this disregard (Espinosa,  2011 ; Mascarenhas,  2018 ; McGee,  2016 ) causing implicit support of biased systems. To promote just inclusion and diverse participation, ecology must come to terms with how rationalizing or burying racist activities and beliefs of coveted and beloved founders of the science has whitewashed the role of racism and colonialism in shaping the discipline.

Some ecologists are beginning to acknowledge the association between ethnicity, class, and gender and disciplinary values and practice as reflected by terms such as “biocultural homogenization” (e.g., Rozzi,  2012 ). This term identifies the dominance of Anglo‐European perspectives and disregard of diverse environmental knowledge stemming from different cultural heritages or from non‐English speakers when determining ecological priorities. Unfortunately, presentations of how gendered (Mallory,  2013 ), or otherwise privileged concepts of nature compromise environmental justice (Kingsland, 2015 ; Rozzi,  2012 ; Uriarte et al.,  2007 ), ethical environmental education (Poole et al.,  2013 ), or communication with non‐scientists (Nadkarni,  2013 ; Nadkarni et al.,  2019 ) are typically encased in arguments that emphasize how ecology can better serve society. Less consideration is given to the ways in which ecology is narrowly defined to serve Anglo‐European interests (Schell, Guy, et al.,  2020 ; Trisos et al.,  2021 ). Without explicitly changing biased systems, such efforts are insufficient to promote ethical inclusion.

Here we focus on ways natural history embedded notions of European superiority into ecological knowledge in ways that continue to shape pedagogy and conservation research. Even as natural history is focused on careful observation, description, and basic knowledge, it is not without cultural bias. In fact, it was not only steeped in but contributed to racism through the colonial mindsets and protocols of natural historians (e.g., Arnold,  1999 ; Arteaga,  2017 ; Diaz,  2015 ; Pratt,  1992 ). The legacy of racism involved in obtaining and maintaining collections persists not just in campus climate for students and faculty, but in how racialized ideas are baked into ecological concepts and understanding (e.g., Cronin et al.,  2021 ; Pausas & Bond,  2019 ; Schell, Dyson, et al.,  2020 ; Trisos et al.,  2021 ). For example, (Bailey et al., this issue) present the racial history of the idea of “wilderness.” This is reflected in the ideology behind the formation of American national parks as leisure areas for the White elite (Cronin et al.,  2021 ; Taylor,  1997 ). In other areas, emerging Indigenous scholarship on “decolonization,” intervenes in the relationship between colonization and ecology by explicitly seeking the return of native land (Box  1 ). We show in this paper that natural history entrenched ideas about a global hierarchy of cultures; naturalists treated this hierarchy as an entirely natural taxonomy of races that they found and merely described instead of something they actively invented and produced.

Resources for centering BIPOC perspectives and ecological knowledge

Plantation ecologies.

What does it mean to study today's global ecological challenges as an outcome of the colonial re‐making of the world? How does taking colonialism as a starting point, change how we think about today's global ecological challenges?

Plantation Legacies , by Sophie Moore, M. Allewaert, Pablo Gómez, and Gregg Mitman (2019) Edge Effects, January 22. https://edgeeffects.net/plantation‐legacies‐plantationocene/

Anthropocene, Capitalocene, … Plantationocene?: A Manifesto for Ecological Justice in an Age of Global Crises , by Janae Davis, Alex A. Moulton, Levi Van Sant, and Brian Williams (2019) Geography Compass 13 (5).

The Plantationocene: A Lusotropical Contribution to the Theory , by Wendy Wolford (2021) Annals of the American Association of Geographers 111 (6): 1622–39.

Case studies

Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History , reprint edition, by Sidney W. Mintz (1986) New York: Penguin Books.

Crimes, Cropland, and Capitalism , by Ruth Wilson (2007) Golden Gulag (pages 128–180). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Empire of Rubber: Firestone's Scramble for Land and Power in Liberia , by Gregg Mitman (2021) New York/London: The New Press.

The Oil Palm Complex: Smallholders, Agribusiness and the State in Indonesia and Malaysia , by Robert Cramb and John F. McCarthy, eds. (2016) Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

DECOLONIZATION, SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION, AND NATURE

What does it mean to intervene in the relationship between colonialism and how we teach and study nature? What do calls to “decolonize” nature seek to do? What do debates on the term teach us about the relationship between research, teaching, and governance structures? Why are the politics of land ownership inseparable from conservation and environmental education?

Land‐Grab Universities: Expropriated Indigenous Land Is the Foundation of the Land‐Grant University System , by Robert Lee and Tristan Ahtone (2020) High Country News, March 30, 2020. https://www.hcn.org/issues/52.4/indigenous‐affairs‐education‐land‐grab‐universities

Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor , by Eve Tuck and K Wayne Yang (2012) Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education, and Society 1 (1): 1–40.

On the Importance of a Date, or, Decolonizing the Anthropocene , H Davis and Z Todd (2017) ACME: An International E‐Journal for Critical Geographers 16: 761–80.

Decolonizing Extinction: The Work of Care in Orangutan Rehabilitation , by Juno Salazar Parrenas (2018) Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.

Pollution Is Colonialism , by Max Liboiron ( 2021 ) Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.

FUGITIVITY, FREEDOM, AND ECOLOGY

How are ecologies and ecological knowledge linked to liberation, empowerment, and Black resistance? How have ecologies created refuge and subversion under colonialism? What alternative ecologies and ecological knowledge already exist?

On the Origins of the Counter‐Plantation System , by Jean Casimir (2020) in The Haiti Reader , edited by Laurent Dubois, Kaiama L. Glover, Nadève Ménard, Millery Polyné, and Chantalle F. Verna, 61–66. Durham: Duke University Press.

Freedom Farmers: Agricultural Resistance and the Black Freedom Movement , by Monica M. White and LaDonna Redmond (2018) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Prophetic Black Ecologies: Liberatory Agriculture on Beulah Land Farms , by Priscilla McCutcheon (2020) AAIHS blog, July 27, 2020. https://www.aaihs.org/prophetic‐black‐ecologies‐liberatory‐agriculture‐on‐beulah‐land‐farms/ #.

Fugitive Seeds , by Christian Brooks Keeve (2020) Edge Effects, 25 February. https://edgeeffects.net/fugitive‐seeds/

Experiments in Freedom: Fugitive Science in Transatlantic Performance , by Britt Rusert (2017) in Fugitive Science: Empiricism in Early African American Culture (pages 113–148). New York: New York University Press.

Black Rice: The African Origins of Rice Cultivation in the Americas by Judith Ann Carney ( 2001 ) Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Slavery's Exiles: The Story of the American Maroons , by Sylviane A. Diouf ( 2014 ) New York: NYU Press.

Swamp Sublime: Ecologies of Resistance in the American Plantation Zone , by M. Allewaert (2008) Journal of the Modern Language Association of America 123 (2): 340–57.

A Totally Different Form of Living: On the Legacies of Displacement and Marronage as Black Ecologies , by Justin Hosbey and J. T. Roane (2021) Southern Cultures 27 (1): 68–73.

Plotting the Black Commons , by J. T. Roane ( 2018 ) Souls 20 (3): 239–66.

A Desolate Place for a Defiant People: The Archaeology of Maroons, Indigenous Americans, and Enslaved Laborers in the Great Dismal Swamp , by Daniel O. Sayers (2014) Gainsville, FL: University Press of Florida.

The paper is organized as follows. We start with a summary of the relationship between ecology, natural history, and race and the renewed significance of natural history in ecology today generally and in the context of concerns about recruitment and retention of racially diverse ecologists. We then present two sections on the history of natural history as a European practice since around 1500 in the context of early colonialism and how, as it developed across Europe over the next several 100 years, it justified racial hierarchies in support of European domination. The first describes links between natural history and colonial extraction and the second presents natural history's role in creating and naturalizing ideas about racial hierarchy. The following section turns to Black ecological ways of knowing that have been excluded in and because of this history, focusing on two examples: foodways and marronage. Finally, we provide lessons for a more inclusive discipline, with special attention to conservation and education.

We show that natural history was not only central to the colonial, imperial project that led to the domination of Western cultures but was constituted by it. In other words, there is no field of natural history outside this racist history: they are fully intertwined. Early natural historians, even early ecologists, did not make the distinctions between nature and culture/society/human that we currently debate. Understanding this is key to understanding how natural history contributed both to the exploitation of nature for the benefit of colonial powers with ongoing legacies and practices today, and to universal ideas about humans, culture, and knowledge that are racist and exclusionary. While speaking to “Indigenous knowledge” as a broad category, we emphasize the less recognized environmental knowledge grounded in Black histories, experiences, and perspectives and we conclude with examples of ways to promote a more diverse, productive, and just discipline.

NATURAL HISTORY, ECOLOGY, AND RACE

Human‐nature relations.

Since ecology emerged in the late 19th century, it has grappled with its relationship to natural history, from which it arose. Central to this tension are the importance of descriptive studies and the role of humans in the natural world. Naturalists combined fascination about the rare and exotic with detailed description based on careful observation, the hallmark of natural history. As naturalists developed useful knowledge about the interconnected order of nature, description of natural objects also served as a form of explanation .

While today ecologists debate the relationship between humans and nature in terms of the relevance of the “pristine” or providing new histories of human‐nature interactions (e.g., Ducarme et al.,  2021 ; Ellis, 2015 ; Ellis et al.,  2021 ; Kareiva & Marvier,  2012 ), study of the order of nature by early naturalists included humans in that order. Recognizing this is crucial to understanding the pervasiveness of racialized, Eurocentric bias embedded in natural history. Projecting a bifurcation between nature and humans onto the past erases ways that natural history was also and sometimes especially about society. From the 1500s, natural historians valorized Greek scholars such as Pliny the Elder, who put humans at the center of a divinely created world (Ogilvie,  2018 ). This ideology is strongly represented in ideas about the Great Chain of Being, attributed originally to Aristotle, which posited a continuous and natural hierarchy among forms of life (Figure  1 ). As we will show, in natural history of the past 500 years, it is this idea of a natural hierarchy that shaped ideas about the superiority of “civilized” Europeans over “primitive” or “savage” Asians, Americans, and Africans (Wood,  1996 ; Wynter,  2003 ).

A “medieval” representation of Aristotle's “Great Chain of Being,” from the text Rhetorica Christiana , which was published and illustrated by Diego de Valadés in 1597. This image presents an early missionary perspective on the conversion of indigenous peoples it the Americas. At the top of the image is a depiction of god, underneath is the tier of angels. As more‐than‐earthly creatures, the angels are unchanging, in already perfect form they remain fixed in the layer of the clouds. Although on the right side of the image we also see the “falling” or declension of angels into devils, losing their wings as they approach the ground, the subterranean world of the devil. Below the tier of angels are the tiers of earthly life, starting with humans and then birds, fish, land animals, plants, and lastly stone and minerals. Beings of the earthly hierarchy are imperfect and thus changeable. Earthly beings can move up or down the hierarchical ladder based on their relationship to the divine, god, and thus Christianity. Source : https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Great_Chain_of_Being_2.png .

The emergence of ecology

The term ecology traces to the prolific German naturalist and scientific illustrator—and eugenicist—Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919), who in 1866 defined ecology as the study of the relationship of organisms with their environment. Haeckel's scientific studies depended on colonial expeditions, starting with the HMS Challenger in 1876. A scholar specifically of marine and microscopic life, he is especially famous for his broader ideas, including his theory that “ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny.” Haeckel applied these ideas to human races too, ranking them from higher to lower according to how culturally and intellectually advanced he considered them to be. Positioning civilization as a graduated achievement, the pinnacle of evolution and development was embodied by the European male as the ideal rational scientist (Jackson,  2020 ).

It was not until the work of Warming in 1896 that the term “ecology” was widely embraced among botanists. This inspired Cowles's ( 1899 ) formative ecological presentation of succession in dune communities, which placed vegetational studies at the forefront of ecology. Histories of early ecological studies distinguish ecology from natural history by emphasizing novel integration of physiological strategies with plant distributions that began with Cowles (Mitman,  1992 ; Tansley,  1987 ). Nevertheless, in the mid‐20th century, A. G. Tansley quipped that skeptics at that time still considered ecology to be, “the old natural history masquerading under a high‐sounding name‐and not always very good natural history at that!” (Tansley,  1987 , reprinted from a 1951 pamphlet). This statement reflects an aversion to the descriptive character of natural history that persists to this day (see Able,  2016 ; Greene,  2005 ). Tansley eventually distinguished ecology as “systematized” natural history, in so doing elevating the discipline to more rigorous, objective, and therefore scientific standards.

Succession, holism, and race

From these beginnings, many students of ecology are taught about the subsequent advancement in understanding vegetational distributions in terms of conflicts among early presentations of succession, most notably between Clements's (Clements,  1916 , 1936 ) organismal view of communities and Gleason's ( 1926 ) individualistic concept of community development. Students rarely learn the racialized underpinnings of this debate (but see Box  2 for an inclusive example).

Teaching decolonized ecological foundations. These examples are not comprehensive lessons but provide ideas for including important historical and social context about ecology's intellectual foundations

What is natural history.

Natural history can be defined as understanding plants, animals, and other organisms in the context of the habitats in which they occur. Historically, natural history was created and dominated by Europeans, who aimed to catalogue all living things, including humans, into ways that served European colonial interests. Although these efforts can reveal important ecological and evolutionary relationships among living things that occur in very disparate locations, such as that among grizzlies and pandas, the activities of colonial natural historians also redistributed common economically important species such as rice, horses, and rubber that supported the plantation agriculture system. Treating humans as part of the order of nature, natural historians also created racial hierarchies among humans, placing White Europeans at the top and Black Africans at the bottom, closest to animals. The ecological and evolutionary importance of natural history resides in the place‐based understanding of the relationships between organisms and the communities in which they occur. To be beneficial, natural history requires the contributions of Black, Indigenous and People of Color whose local knowledge has been largely disregarded by the scientific community.

Introduction to ecological communities

Early ecology emphasized the distribution of vegetation. Henry Chandler Cowles,  1899 description of shifting vegetational distributions along a horizontal gradient along the sand dunes of Lake Michigan became formalized with the term ecological succession. Ecologists have long debated the process of succession as a progressive or random dynamic. Early presentations of succession, such as the organismal concept advocated by Frederic Clements, were influenced by the term holism, which posited inherent connections between nature and human societies. Advocates of holism included the early ecologists Clements, John Phillips and notoriously Jan Christian Smuts, who is considered to be the architect of apartheid. These figures applied ideas of successional development to human society, which they viewed in terms of progressive, orderly improvement of communities. This progressive conceptualization contrasts with an individualistic concept of community development initially advocated by H. A. Gleason. By emphasizing probabilistic dispersal of propagules and continuous environmental variation, Gleason's approach is amenable to the emphasis of the physical environment on species associations that the ecosystem concept, first proposed by A. G. Tansley in 1935, asserts. The tension between orderly development of communities and probabilistic species assemblages persists in ecology as evidenced by ongoing ecological research and discourse on the validity of topics that include the existence of community assembly rules, the neutral theory of biodiversity. Although ecologists do not examine the socio‐ecological contexts of these positions on community development, science does not exist within a void. Collaborations between ecologists and social scientists, and inclusion of diverse ways of knowing, can help advance ecological understanding in a just manner.

Clements's views of the natural world were shaped by the racist, holistic perspectives of South African Jan Christian Smuts, who in 1926 coined the term holism to reflect the inherent connectedness between social relations, nature, and society (see Bellamy Foster & Clark,  2008 for an extensive review). General Smuts was a central figure in the formation of South African apartheid, which was in part bolstered by scientific support of holism that rationalized suppression of Africans. Smuts notably influenced the work of another South African, John Phillips, a champion of Clements who embraced holism in his ecological descriptions of biotic communities; Phillips not only included human societies as part of the natural order but also strongly emphasized succession as “progressive,” always improving in development (Phillips,  1931 , 1935 ). What is important to appreciate is that the ensuing discussions surrounding the validity of holism, organismal, or individualistic organizations of vegetation were intertwined with racist theories about natural causes of human differences (Anker,  2002 ; Bellamy Foster & Clark,  2008 ). Ideas about both holism (human‐nature unity) and dualism (human‐nature separation) privileged Europeans and subjugated all others. That is, while today holistic advocacy for re‐integrating humans and nature is sometimes offered as an antidote to problems of dualism, such as considerations of the Anthropocene (e.g., Kareiva & Marvier,  2012 ), human dimensions of ecosystems (e.g., Redman,  1999 ) or coupled human and natural systems (Liu et al.,  2007 ), these are not inherently anti‐colonial and can therefore retain implicit or explicit racism (Trisos et al.,  2021 ).

Tansley's ( 1935 ) critique of organismal conceptualizations of vegetation in many ways silenced the decades long debate regarding holism and communities, and promoted the term “ecosystem” to refer to regional assemblages of organisms and the physical environment. This is not to say that we should, inversely, celebrate individualistic conceptions of community development as inherently antiracist. Gleason's individualistic concept was not widely embraced until the 1950s (reviewed in McIntosh,  1995 ). This period is punctuated by a long series of empirical ecological milestones that include the growth of mathematical and theoretical ecology (McIntosh, 1995 ), the rise of animal ecology (Mitman,  1992 ), and a retreat from natural history. From the 1950s to the present, the value and sophistication of empirical and theoretical studies increased, and that of descriptive studies diminished (Able,  2016 ; Dayton & Sala,  2001 ; Greene,  2005 ). Ecology advanced from a largely descriptive field to a discipline that demanded experimental and theoretical rigor.

The resurgence of traditional natural history perpetuates racism in ecology

Despite ecological distancing from natural history, the racist and colonial underpinnings of natural history and natural historians and their influence on ecology linger as evidenced by continuing discussion surrounding the relationship between concepts such as social Darwinism and sociobiology and ecology/evolution. Ecologists often acknowledge Haeckel's coining of the word ecology but ignore his support for social Darwinism, which is implicit in debates surrounding sociobiology. Similarly, ecologists celebrate the intellectual contribution of selfish genes (e.g., Dawkins,  2006 ; Yanai & Lercher,  2016 ) while forgiving unsupported links between genes and behavior (but see Lewontin,  1977 , 1991 ) and with little concern for popular, destructive interpretations of such science (see Cronin et al.,  2021 ; de Chadarevian,  2007 ). One response to such “straying from such scientific rigor,” as Ricklefs ( 2012 ) states, is to adhere to the scientific method. However, this practice alone does not improve the climate for BIPOC who are targeted by the vitriolic pseudoscience embedded in social Darwinism, nor does it promote a safe climate to recruit BIPOC students. This is in part because it does not address the reality that “good science” can also be racist. It is problematic to ignore racism among prominent scientists now and in the past.

Natural history is in resurgence in part due to increased recognition of human dimensions in the functioning of nature. This is explicitly stated in conservation (Anderson et al.,  2021 ; Greene & Losos,  1988 ; Noss,  1996 ) and education (Klemow et al.,  2019 ) contexts. Cumulative effects of habitat fragmentation and burning of fossil fuels are causing accelerating species loss and changes to ecosystem functioning at a rate that outpaces ecological understanding. At the same time, increased drought, severe storms, and intense fires punctuate the interdependence of human activities and the nonhuman world. It is in the context of these global ecological challenges that calls to ground empirical and theoretical research in natural historical understanding have increased (e.g., Ricklefs,  2012 ; Wilbur,  1997 ).

Our point is that asserting the de facto value of natural history implicitly undermines efforts to improve diverse participation in ecology. Not only does it fail to recognize the racist and colonial underpinnings of natural history and—by extension—ecology more broadly, but it thereby also fails to recognize broader, more global understanding of the nonhuman world. Improving ecological knowledge today can only happen with a reckoning of the racist history of natural history, for while natural history has always presented itself as a detailed, objective understanding of natural things, their distribution, and their relationships, it is not as merely descriptive or disinterested—lacking political, economic, racial, or other interests—as it seems.

In what follows, we draw on decades of scholarship that has shown that natural history both enabled and was enabled by European colonial endeavors to generate wealth and global power by mapping, describing, collecting, and moving plants, animals, people, and minerals across the globe. As such, we also provide context for recent calls to decolonize ecology (Trisos et al.,  2021 ). For detailed accounts of the history of natural history, including how it changed over the centuries, see two related edited collections: Cultures of Natural History (Jardine et al.,  1996 ) and Worlds of Natural History (Curry et al.,  2018 ). We draw on these and other sources to outline ways natural history contributed both to racial inequality and to racist notions about human hierarchy.

HISTORY OF NATURAL HISTORY 1: EXTRACTION, VIOLENCE, AND RACIAL INEQUALITY

Over centuries, colonial natural history caused ecological degradation and human suffering, especially for BIPOC people who were killed, enslaved, and had land and resources degraded and stolen. Moreover, it was through their comprehensive study of the world, including classification and study of interdependence, that naturalists helped justify degradation and suffering by generating racist ideas about hierarchies among humans, which they treated as part of the order of nature.

Natural history as we think of it today dates to about 500 years ago when early modern European men (and few women) attempted to develop and compile comprehensive knowledge of the natural world (Jardine & Spary,  1996 ). These men fanned out across the countryside of Europe and around the globe developing in‐depth knowledge of individual places and the plant, animal, and mineral objects that comprised them. While drawing on the ancient Greeks, the rise of natural history 500 years ago coincided with early colonialism, which refers to European efforts, after 1492, to find and exert power over non‐European people and places, sometimes as settlers but often not. As a project of rearranging the human and nonhuman world, colonialism fed the wealth and global power of European nations and their successors, including the United States, to the detriment of the colonies, not only through extracted wealth but through direct violence, including genocide.

Naturalists studied nature directly, both in the field and, as they gathered specimens from the field, in various personal and institutional collections. The foundational role of observation, collection, and producing texts are demonstrated in Conrad Gesner's oft‐cited, lengthy, and lavishly illustrated publications from the mid‐1500s on Renaissance natural history (Ashworth,  1996 ). Collection and the field provide two different lenses on natural history's practices and effects.

Collections are about knowledge of separable objects, whether individual specimens or collective types such as species. These objects, or a sample of them, can be removed from their environments and then rearranged to various purposes both within and well beyond the collection itself. Indeed, natural history drove the rise of museums, herbariums, botanical gardens, and zoos, all of which were sites not just for aesthetic enjoyment but were, and remain, centers of scientific study (Cunningham,  1996 ; Findlen,  1996 ). The field is not just the origin of all these objects but is about environmental knowledge in place including distributions and interrelationships.

While much field work and collection of specimens occurred within Europe, its development and success were attached to colonial voyages and motivations, and vice versa, naturalists' object‐based and place‐based knowledge were crucial for colonial expansion in different but interconnected ways. Enabling and enabled by colonialism, natural history contributed to inequality between White Europeans and everyone else.

Natural history as we know it would not exist without colonialism

From Columbus's first reports of the Caribbean islands where he landed and immediately declared ownership for Spain and kidnapped indigenous people, colonial endeavors opened the world to exploration. Initially along the coastlines and later in the interiors, European explorers sought to travel to these new, strange‐to‐them places seeking wealth, adventure, knowledge, or a combination (Pratt,  1992 ). But it was not just that natural historians found new, exciting places through colonial efforts. More pointedly, colonial endeavors provided almost all the infrastructure for traveling to and learning about these places as naturalists traveled with the hundreds of state‐sponsored colonial “voyages of discovery.” Sponsored by multiple European countries, most famously the British, French, and Dutch, many of these voyages lasted several years and visited multiple continents. Such voyages took up the mantle of exploration and discovery to justify their motivations, as though knowledge for its own sake, not conquest and mercantilism, was their main motivation. Naturalists' travels, as well as their subsequent collections, presentations, and publications, were often funded by the colonial interests behind these voyages, as well as by new institutions of natural history, such as Britain's The Royal Society, founded in 1660. One prominent example is the renowned British natural historian Joseph Banks, who was president of the Royal Society for 41 years and advisor for the Kew, Royal Botanical Gardens. Banks brought over 30,000 specimens back to the metropole, including 1400 that were novel to Europeans, by joining British colonial expeditions such as Captain Cook's voyage to Tahiti on the HMS Endeavor (Lotzof, 2018 ).

Once in these new‐to‐them places, naturalists were then able to identify, describe, collect, and classify local plants, animals, and minerals. Indigenous people and their ways of life were also described and sometimes were among the new, exotic “objects” that were “collected” and brought back to the home country, to be displayed among the other “curiosities” gathered on these voyages (Beer,  1996 ; Qureshi,  2018 ). All these plants, animals, minerals, people, and places were then integrated into naturalists' existing knowledge of the order of nature as a global, integrated place, thereby allowing them to continually revise their knowledge.

Colonialism as we know it would not exist without natural history

It is not just that naturalists were complicit with colonialism by benefitting from it, but that colonialism was dependent on natural historical practice and knowledge (Brockway,  1979 ; Browne,  1996 ; Miller & Reill,  1996 ; Ogborn,  2018 ; Pratt,  1992 ; Schiebinger & Swan,  2005 ). The first role of naturalists was to map and study places, making them open to future exploration and control, for example mapping transportation routes, trade possibilities, and resources including minerals such as gold and silver that could be appropriated. Naturalists were often explicitly seeking useful objects, especially species that could be used for food, fiber, and medicine, as well as aesthetic enjoyment.

Exploration, mapping, and discovery of species and their uses were often dependent on local people, from whom naturalists appropriated knowledge, even as they saw indigenous people as inferior, thus obscuring their contributions to science (Prescod‐Weinstein,  2020 ; Sobrevilla,  2018 ). Treating these as their own discoveries, naturalists extracted both the knowledge and the specimens, collecting them in the museums, zoos, and botanical gardens of Europe. While this was often done without knowledge of indigenous people, there are many documented cases in which people sought to protect their resources from appropriation and dispossession; Europeans responded with herculean efforts in which they outright stole useful plants, in what have been called operations of Bondian intrigue (Kloppenburg,  1988 ).

Place‐based knowledge remained important even in this context, as natural histories of nature in situ provided knowledge about the necessary conditions for the survival and usefulness of collected plants and animals. Paradoxically, this enabled colonial efforts to relocate these species around the world, acclimatizing them to new environments (Browne,  1996 ). This role for place‐based knowledge was reflected in the global network of botanical gardens that developed outside Europe over the 18th and 19th centuries; located in the colonies, these new tropical gardens allowed naturalists to bypass the climate of Europe (Brockway,  1979 ).

All of this leads to one of our key points: the activities of naturalists were required for the plantation agriculture system that drove colonial wealth and power, and which was based on stealing land and labor from Black and Indigenous people, including through slavery . They found economic species by appropriating local knowledge, extracted those species from their original places while also extracting knowledge about the necessary conditions for growing those species, and brought those species to collections from which they could be redistributed around the world. This included some of the most notorious plantation crops, including tea, sugar, rubber, and cinchona (Brockway,  1979 ; Mintz,  1985 ). Cinchona served imperialism not only as a crop but as a medicine; it is the origin of the anti‐malarial drug quinine, on which conquest of the interiors of Africa and Asia depended. It also includes most of the crops grown commercially today in North American and Europe: in recent decades, over 90% of the crops grown in the global North originated as species domesticated by indigenous people from the South, that is, from colonized areas (Kloppenburg, 1988 ). Colonial plantations systems generated wealth for colonial powers and their settler descendants by stealing land, labor, and species of animals and especially plants and recombining them across the globe.

Humboldtian “planetary consciousness” as a civilizing mission

As world‐altering as the colonial plantation systems were, natural history played another overarching role in colonialism and its violent inequalities. Circling back to the earlier point about how mapping places made them available to colonial interest, naturalists played this role even when they were not explicitly seeking useful resources. What European naturalists did was claim the entire planet as theirs to study and survey, to bring order to what was disordered. They developed what Mary Louise Pratt ( 1992 ) called a “planetary consciousness,” which marks the idea that the world was available to them, through travel, and that they alone as scientists without other interests could take a planetary view to uncover the secrets of nature (see also Outram,  1996 ).

This is especially evident in the work of the Prussian naturalist and explorer Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), who transformed natural history in the early 19th century. “Humboldtian science” treated the earth as an organic, interdependent whole and focused on measuring and integrating across space (Pausas & Bond,  2019 ). For Humboldt and his followers, this was itself a civilizing mission: their role as scientists was to extend European civilization, which was explicitly conceived as progress (Dettelbach,  1996 ). In this view, order exists yet it is not simply waiting to be found; it is something that European natural history could achieve through integrating chaos into a single system. By claiming to have no interests other than knowledge, European naturalists imposed their own sense of order on the world while defining it as universal, not culturally specific. This normalization of European knowledge continues to define ecological research priorities (e.g., Pausas & Bond,  2019 ) and exclude knowledge of BIPOC globally (Ducarme et al.,  2021 ; Trisos et al.,  2021 ).

HISTORY OF NATURAL HISTORY 2: THE FORMALIZATION OF RACIAL HIERARCHY AND RACISM

Even before Humboldt, 18th century naturalists used their status as experts on nature to make claims about what was proper in society, seeking to make order in human communities just as they did in the natural world (Spary,  1996 ; Wood,  1996 ). Naturalists developed a taxonomy that considered humans as animals with bodily and cultural traits who were embedded in their environment (Müller‐Wille & Rheinberger,  2012 ). This application of natural history formulated and elaborated White supremacist ideas about racial difference and hierarchy.

Prior to the colonial era and rise of natural history, elite Europeans had a supernatural notion of existence that posited divine origins of the earth and an exalted origin and role for humanity, which was mostly limited to Europe. However, colonialism brought Europeans into contact with very different people, who they initially treated as monstrous or mythic (see Rozzi,  1999 for a Darwinian example). The subsequent shift from human‐as‐Christian to human‐as‐ Homo led to the development of racial hierarchies (Wynter,  2003 ). In this view, unfamiliar people encountered during colonial voyages, although human, were “savages” as a function of their native habitats while natural conditions in Europe allowed people there to develop into “civilized” rational, political humans (Soper,  1995 ; Wood,  1996 ; Wynter, 2003 ). Placing themselves at the apex of the Chain of Being, naturalists explained European supremacy as an outcome of nature: each place has its own characteristics, which both reflect and create differences in climate, minerals, plants, and animals, including humans. By providing the schema for identifying what they considered to be natural and hierarchical races of humanity, naturalists treated colonial domination as the natural outcome of this hierarchy: the birthright of superior people who could bring knowledge, order, and wealth to the world.

In this natural schema, Black Africans were treated as the most savage humans (Wynter,  2003 ). For example, in 1699, the Oxford physician Edward Tyson (1651–1708), published Orang‐outang , Homo sylvestris: Or the Anatomy of a Pygmie Compared with That of a Monkey, an Ape, and a Man , which treated the pygmy not as “man” but the as missing link in the chain of being, between human and animal (Sloan,  1995 ). Just a few decades later, the naturalist Carl Linnaeus elaborated this natural notion of man in his world‐changing taxonomy, which included humans, as Homo , for the first time.

Linnaeus and the Systema Naturae

A well‐known Swedish iconoclast, Linnaeus generated vast collections of objects from his own local and students' global travels (Koerner,  1996 ). Even those who disagreed with him were captured by the idea of a universal system for classifying life (Pratt,  1992 ). While about identifying the divisions between objects such as species, these classification systems were also relational. Objects became different by virtue of comparison among them, as parts of the integrated whole of life. As described by Müller‐Wille ( 2015 ), Linnaeus placed humans in his Systema Naturae , and ascribed species variation to the environment (Figure  2 ). He divided humans into four varieties: Homo sapiens europaeus albus (White European), Homo sapiens americanus rubescens (red American), Homo sapiens asiaticus fuscus (tawny Asian), and Homo sapiens africanus niger (Black African). This nomenclature explicitly linked geography and skin color, tying characteristics to the imprint of the external environment. At the continental scale, this exemplifies how European biases about what is “normal” become embedded into knowledge formations: “temperate” (mild and well‐mannered) Europe was contrasted with the “torrid” tropics and deserts, which were seen as seductive yet menacing, even pestilential, and these characteristics were ascribed to people in those places (Arnold,  2006 ; Gregory,  2001 ). Environmental scientists have long based ideas about indigenous “mismanagement” and land degradation on these ideas about normal nature (e.g., Voyles,  2016 ).

The frontispiece of the 1737 publication Hortus Cliffortianus by Carl Linnaeus. Following W. T. Stearn's 1957, description of the image in Ray Society, Species Plantarum, the Hortus classifies the botanical gardens of the Hartecamp estate, owned by George Clifford, a wealthy banker and governor of the Dutch East India company. This frontispiece, by illustrator Jan Wandelaar, graphically demonstrates the entanglement between natural history and colonial projects. At the center is a depiction of “mother earth” with “keys to the garden” in her hands and the rose varietal named after George Clifford, Cliffortia at her feet along with a map of the Hartecamp estate. To the right is a figure with Linnaeus' head and the body of the Greek god Apollo, who thwarts darkness encroaching upon mother earth and in his left hand holds a lit torch as the promise of enlightenment. To the left are three feminized and darkened human figures, each representing different continents, who offer crops to mother earth. The figure at the front represents America and provides the plant Hernandia ; next is Asia holding Coffea arabica ; last, and most peripheral, is Africa, holding the aloe plant in her hands. At the top of the image is a sculpture of the head of George Clifford, placed on a pedestal and overlooking the entire scene. Source : https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Linnaeus_Hortus_Cliffortianus_frontispiece_cropped.jpg .

Linnaeus reformulated the Aristotelean chain of being in new terms based on reason. His descriptions of varieties of Homo included a wide array of “characteristics” that moved from morphological features to temperaments and psychological dispositions, social and cultural practices, and political organization (Müller‐Wille,  2015 ). This classification system formalized the position of White Europeans at the top of the human hierarchy and that of Black Africans at the bottom, closest to animals (Sloan,  1995 ). It also provided a schema that justified enslaving Africans for European wealth for White Europeans were “ruled by intelligence” while Black Africans were governed by arbitrio , mastery by others (Müller‐Wille,  2015 ).

Buffon and the Histoire Naturelle

White supremacy was further justified by contemporaries of Linnaeus who provided scientific explanations for environmental determinism of racial degeneration. The French naturalist Georges‐Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707–1788) brought the question of time and racial differences to the forefront (Figure  3 ). Administrative head of the Jardin du Roi and natural history collections in Paris from 1739 to 1788, Buffon's seminal text Histoire Naturelle was published across 36 volumes from 1749 to 1804, with the last eight being published posthumously by Bernard Germain de Lacépède.

The frontispiece from the first edition of both volume I and II of histoire Naturelle by Comte de Buffon published in 1791. The English title of this version is called “The System of Natural History.” in this image are depictions of five different “races,” defined by local environmental conditions and cultural practices according to his natural history of man. From left to right are depictions of an American, Laplander, Chinese, Hottentot, and African. Source : https://archive.org/details/b28759163/page/n5/mode/2up .

Arguing that classification based on visible characteristics was arbitrary, Buffon drew on the principles of probability theory to argue that the only material connection between individuals is their capacity to successfully reproduce, which attributed the existence of species to evolutionary transformations in nature itself rather than a singular act of divine creation (Sloan,  1995 ). By emphasizing local conditions such as climate and cultural practices, Buffon, too, reformulated the chain of being. He placed European people higher on the chain than other cultures and considered European domesticated animals to be more closely related to European humans than European humans were to wild primates (Hartigan, 2017 ; Sloan,  1995 ). Geography reflected not just the pattern of varieties but the process of variation, offering a historical explanation to species variation. Environmental variation determined why varieties emerged over time, transforming Linnaeus's classification table of rationally gridded empty space into explanatory spatial and temporal coordinates.

However, where Linnaeus provided a progressive account of nature, culminating with reason in civilized humans, Buffon provided a regressive account of nature that could lead to degeneration. Buffon thought humanity originated in its most perfect form in the high latitudes of Asia and Europe, and then degenerated into distinct yet malleable “races” as people migrated to Africa and the Americas (Sloan,  1995 ). Despite his overall focus on degeneration, Buffon shared with Linnaeus the idea that European nature fosters improvement. In this paradigm, temperate nature fosters human abilities to cultivate and domesticate nature, whereas less temperate climates deter civilization and promote degeneration (Sloan,  1995 ). Therefore, as with Linnaeus, it was not the fixity of races that structured human differences but rather the relationship between organisms and their environment that enabled both racial improvement and racial degeneration.

In these ways, both progressive and regressive accounts of human difference are central to the racist 18th century development of the natural sciences. Natural historians situated White European men as the apex of the chain of being and Black Africans, especially Black women (Morgan,  2004 ), as the missing link between brute animal and civilized human. In so doing, they not only imposed a racial hierarchy, but they expanded the European imperative for chattel slavery. These ideas were then influential a century later, at the dawn of ecology. Racial taxonomy was an organizing principle of 19th and 20th century empirical science, in which Black people were systematically classified as racially inferior and other colonized dark‐skinned, indigenous people were arrayed between Black and White (Jackson,  2020 ; Wynter,  2003 ). The result is a scientific rationale for racial subjugation, one legacy of which is persistently skewed participation in science.

BLACK ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE IN THE AMERICAS

As we have elaborated, European natural history developed a scientific worldview that placed European civilization, with rational science as one of the key markers, at the top of the hierarchy of life. In so doing, it racialized others, often through ecological knowledge about environments, which were seen to “naturally” create different types of people. In this way, Western ideas about both race and science were naturalized, made to seem universal and objective when they were not. For natural historians, their ideas were not “Western” or culturally influenced, and certainly not ethnocentric or racist, but instead were part of the order of nature they were studying. For them, civilization emerged from nature to control nature.

Since the mid‐1800s this has also been accompanied by awareness of the ways that controlling nature can also destroy nature (Marsh,  1864 ), yet the role of race has yet to be reckoned with. And our point, at least in part, is that ecology must reckon with race not only to do the right thing and address the low diversity in the discipline, but also to address and better understand ecological function as well . The Western view of nature as distinct from “civilization” even if it itself created civilization is impoverished.

At the intersection of these points are the ways that other forms of knowledge were discounted as knowledge in natural historical practice. By presenting itself as universal even as it was not, European natural history was able to dismiss various other forms of knowledge—even as it sometimes took advantage of those other forms of existing knowledge. Work in recent decades has tried to “provincialize” European knowledge by showing that it is specific, not universal, and to highlight other forms of knowledge (Lee,  2018 ; Qureshi,  2018 ). Within ecology, many are familiar with “traditional ecological knowledge” (TEK) of indigenous people (see Albuquerque et al.,  2021 for a recent review).

Here, we focus on Black ecological knowledge in the Americas. While some of this might be included in TEK, some does not pre‐exist colonial violence and especially slavery, but is borne of and fostered by surviving slavery. We have already alluded to the ways that colonial natural history appropriated the ecological knowledge of indigenous people around the world, including in Africa. Colonial‐era explorers and natural historians who arrived in new places often found local people to serve as guides, either voluntarily or through coercion and violence. It was these guides who introduced naturalists to species and told them about their various uses as food, dye, medicine, and so forth. That is, naturalists' discoveries were forms of bioprospecting: the appropriation of local knowledge for the profit of the appropriator. But such appropriation can occur without explicit bioprospecting, and this is our first example of explicitly Black ecological knowledge in the context of slavery.

Black ecological knowledge via foodways

The foodways of western Africa—some indigenous, some adapted from Asia—contributed in myriad ways to survival and culture across the Atlantic Americas (Carney,  2001 ; Carney & Rosomoff,  2011 ). Slavers filled their ships not only with kidnapped people but with food to survive the Atlantic crossing. These foods were then planted across the Caribbean, including what became the southern United States, in enslaved people's kitchen gardens, in plantation owners' gardens, and as minor and major economic crops (Table  1 ). Rice is the most economically important example, but there are at least thirty other African plants established in the plantation era, including millet, plantain/banana, black‐eyed peas, okra, and watermelon (Carney & Rosomoff,  2011 ).

Sampling of the African introductions found in slave subsistence sites.

Note : Adapted from Carney & Rosomoff,  2011 , who say “The African botanical introductions initially gained their New World footing in the food plots of enslaved Africans … [who] organized cultivation for their own purposes … As informal experimental stations for the transfer, establishment, and adaptation of African food crops and dietary preferences, these plots became the botanical gardens of the Atlantic world's dispossessed… Africa's botanical legacy in the Americas is built upon this unacknowledged foundation.”

The key point is not just that traditional food stuffs of Africa were incorporated into the slave trade and slave‐based plantation economy, but that it was the ecological knowledge of enslaved people that made this possible (Carney,  2001 ; Carney & Rosomoff,  2011 ). While transfer of crops such as rice is often seen as a European accomplishment, the innovations were those of enslaved Africans, especially women, who knew about these plants and animals, how to keep them alive, how to grow them, and how to use them.

Even as some of that knowledge ended up propping‐up slavery, some was also essential for survival and resistance. For example, foods were grown in the kitchen gardens of enslaved people, where they provided not only calories and nutrients that were missing in the food provided by slave owners, but also the cultural, natural historical, and ecological connection to ancestors and Africa. This is celebrated today in the foodways of the South, which are being recognized more widely for their connections to Africa and African Americans (e.g., Harris & Angelou,  2012 which is now a Netlix documentary series with the subtitle, “How African American cuisine transformed America.”). In other words, not only Black Indigenous people in Africa but enslaved Black people in the Americas had ecological knowledge of a unique set of plants and animals that was appropriated by the dominant, White culture and economy for its own benefit and provided physical and cultural sustenance that helped many people survive slavery and its ongoing aftermath.

Maroon ecologies

Our second example is about Black ecological knowledge that was developed in the Americas, and rather than being appropriated, largely has been missed. This is the ecological knowledge associated with marronage and maroon communities comprised of people who escaped from slavery and their descendants; such communities often also included free Blacks, Native Americans, and poor Whites, who joined maroons for the spaces of freedom they created (Bledsoe,  2017 ; Diouf,  2014 ; Golden,  2021 ; Winston,  2021 ; Wright,  2020 ). The survival of these communities, some of which still exist today, was dependent on multiple forms of ecological knowledge. For one, the foods of African origin just discussed were not only important on the plantation, but people escaping slavery often brought seeds of these plants with them: these foods of African origin provided sustenance not only during escape but as crops in maroon communities (Carney & Rosomoff,  2011 ). In addition, long‐term survival was often dependent on location: areas that were remote from White people, usually rugged terrain such as steep mountains, dense forests, and extensive wetlands. Examples of such places in the United States include the “Great Dismal Swamp” of North Carolina and Virginia (now protected as a Fish and Wildlife Service refuge, for its ecological value) and the sea islands of the southeast, where the Gullah Geechee people lived (now recognized by the National Park Service as a cultural heritage corridor, for this Black history). Other long‐standing communities existed across the Americas, with especially well‐known examples in Haiti, Jamaica, Brazil (the quilombos), and the western hemisphere's largest maroon population, in Suriname and French Guiana.

Scholars today are studying the “Black ecologies” of marronage: the ecological knowledge that allowed people to survive the difficult conditions that enabled their freedom, and which today can continue to foster both freedom and environmental protection (Connell,  2020 ; Hosbey & Roane,  2021 ; Malm,  2018 ; Roane,  2018 ; Torre,  2018 ). People living in these maroon communities not only needed knowledge to survive in such rugged, undeveloped terrain, but also needed forms of ecological knowledge that allowed them to maintain these environments, to maintain their remoteness (Hosbey & Roane,  2021 ). This included not just broad knowledge of living conditions and the plants and animals needed for food, medicine, and shelter, but more specific knowledge, for example of live fencing (Duvall,  2009 ) or of sea currents and conditions that allowed people to escape from one Caribbean island to others (Dunnavant,  2021 ). This is as much an ecological ethic as it is about specific bits of ecological knowledge. Our point is not to romanticize marronage but to highlight explicitly Black forms of ecological knowledge and ethics.

LESSONS TO INFORM INCLUSIVE ECOLOGY

As we have presented, for centuries natural history was the dominant form of natural science, developing knowledge of natural objects in the name of understanding the Order of Nature. During that time, natural history benefited from, justified, and provided essential practices and knowledge for colonial endeavors that enriched Europe and European descendants around the world. The same practices and knowledge created ecological degradation, impoverishment, and violent living and dying conditions for BIPOC around the world. The ways natural history contributed to violence and inequality is especially evident in the centuries‐long, global endeavor of plantation agriculture. At present, the legacy of these activities remains in the uneven distribution of wealth extracted from the nonhuman world, in the imposition of Western ways of knowing on global cultures, and in the racist legacies of European domination of the Americas, including poverty of indigenous peoples and institutional racism.

Ecology is not exempt from these legacies. It is imperative that ecologists understand racialized biases in our descriptions and management of the global ecosphere. If natural history is to be justly centered in ecological decision‐making, it must reckon with racist legacies and integrate global cultural knowledge. In the context of what we have presented, we revisit the relationship between natural history, conservation, and education.

Conservation

Conservation biology has been characterized by debates over the position of natural history in ecology. A classic example is seen in reserve design, which involves setting aside potentially large tracts of land for the preservation of biodiversity. This activity is challenged from both scientific and social vantages. Scientifically, reserve dimensions and distributions can influence the number of and traits of species that are protected (Diamond, 1975 ; McCarthy et al.,  2011 ; Soulé,  1991 ). Assessment of biodiversity outcomes often requires the use of sophisticated mathematical models, which potentially positions natural historians as second class to theoretical practitioners (Noss,  1996 ). Knowledge of species and habitats is required for robust model outcomes, but natural history alone cannot effectively anticipate species composition in response to rapid changes in state variables such as temperature and disturbance frequency.

Socially, land preservation may be in conflict with economic interests or advocate for displacement of people, activities that commonly advantage the globally wealthy at the expense of the globally poor (Díaz et al.,  2019 ) and contribute to perverse environmental injustices (Miriti et al.,  2021 ; Montgomery et al.,  2020 ; Murphy et al.,  2021 ). That human displacement is entertained as an ecological solution reflects the legacy of natural historians positioning Europeans at the apex of the natural world and Western understanding as objective.

A separate important legacy from the history of natural history is that to this day expectations of ecosystem function are set by the extensive information collected in temperate systems, a practice that can be traced to the influence of Humboldt (Pausas & Bond,  2019 ). This is evident in yet to be resolved explanations of latitudinal gradients of biodiversity that emphasize hyperdiverse tropical regions rather than depauperate temperate regions (e.g., Brown,  2014 ; Rangel et al.,  2018 ). In other words, ecological understanding of tropical systems is limited by biased expectations for function derived from the legacy of colonialism and natural history.

Tropical regions are vast and remote; relatively undescribed by classical ecological methods, they are estimated to contain nearly half of remaining global biodiversity (Montgomery et al.,  2020 ; Rivas,  1997 ). In support of reintegrating natural history within conservation, Rivas ( 1997 ) concludes that scientific growth should not disregard “original sources” of knowledge, by which he refers to the knowledge of naturalists. Yet the tropics and other developing regions are inhabited with a wide range of people who possess diverse and complex understanding of the world around them who are not included in this notion of natural history.

TEK is gaining recognition with a growing number of advocates for its formal inclusion in conservation practice (see Albuquerque et al.,  2021 for a recent review) but Agrawal ( 1995 ) warns of the dangers of power imbalances that can relegate such knowledge as secondary to Western knowledge systems. A further caution is warranted, however, because TEK can be vulgarized to represent aboriginal practices as harmonious with Western concepts of nature, that is, outside of civilization (Agrawal,  1995 ). Such presentations trivialize the dynamic resilience of TEK (Agrawal, 1995 ; Albuquerque et al.,  2021 ; Rozzi et al.,  2015 ), perpetuating racist, exclusionary conceptualizations of natural history. Ecologists must be extremely careful about how to integrate TEK into ecological practice.

Considering Black ecologies as discussed previously, Black ecologies are not born of the transcendence of experience that is presupposed but not actually achieved by European natural historians. Instead, they are forged through and in resistance to conditions of extreme violence: they are born of experience, including the experience of bondage. Nor does this knowledge reflect an arbitrary and racist distinction between those embedded in nature as “savage” and those who transcend it as “civilized.” Quite the contrary, these are forms of knowledge born of efforts to escape from the barbarism of civilization, and which therefore challenge the equivalency between knowledge and freedom.

In highlighting both TEK and Black ecologies we are not advocating a return to the colonial practice of appropriating local knowledge and incorporating it into a comprehensive planetary view (Liboiron,  2021 ). Rather we are interested in how ecological process, especially in vast remote areas across the tropics, can be understood, modeled, and even catalogued without reference to Linnean systems of naming. This issue is gaining momentum (Albuquerque et al.,  2021 ; Montgomery et al.,  2020 ; Trisos et al.,  2021 ) and its resolution is a step towards decolonizing ecology with outcomes that justly incorporate diverse knowledge.

Consistent with current initiatives to address diversity in STEM education (McGee,  2020 ; Taylor & Dewsbury,  2018 ), ecologists are beginning to connect the role of cultural biases and the diversity of students who enter and remain in the discipline (Bowser & Cid,  2021 ; Miriti,  2019 , 2021 ). In lieu of considerations of why BIPOC are not interested in “nature” (e.g., Mohai,  2003 ), the racialized histories embedded in ecology, such as that of natural history, must be included in ecological curriculum (see Box  1 and Box  2 for examples) to provide a proper context for the uneven distribution of natural resources and White supremacy in the ecological academy.

Taking cultural and racialized issues seriously requires institutional transformation to achieve sustainable interventions on behalf of minoritized people (Corneille et al.,  2019 ; DeAro et al.,  2019 ; Shaw et al.,  2019 ). To promote diversity, common “deficit approaches” that emphasize educational limitations (e.g., Gutman et al.,  2002 ) must be augmented with consideration of how cultured biases influence recruitment, retention and disciplinary priorities that define ecological practice.

Broadly speaking, colorblind perspectives maintain racial hierarchies that exist in STEM (Miriti,  2020 ). Racialized biases in ecology have been presented in educational (Nxumalo & Ross,  2019 ; Stapleton,  2020 ) and societal (Hickcox,  2018 ) contexts. Such biases can also influence outcomes of ecological research (Borderon et al.,  2021 ; Schell, Dyson, et al.,  2020 ). Consistent among these studies is recognizing the value of multiple forms of ecological knowledge. Just as with efforts that incorporate community knowledge and greater public engagement with ecology (e.g., Nadkarni et al.,  2019 ), educators can modify curriculum in ways that include BIPOC ecological understanding (e.g., Stapleton,  2020 ). However, such curricular reforms do not override the need to be willing to confront and eradicate racialized disciplinary biases, such as what we presented here, in service of broader participation in ecology.

Recognizing Black ecological knowledge is important in the context of decades in which Black people, especially, are stereotyped as lacking knowledge and interest in the environment. The incorrectness and danger of these stereotypes have received both scholarly (Finney,  2014 ; Miriti,  2019 ) and popular attention (for example in the New York Times articles “Black Bodies, Green Spaces” in 2019 and “How Black Foragers Find Freedom in the Natural World” in 2021). Beyond countering pernicious stereotypes, addressing the role of natural history in racial taxonomies is a way to grapple with the roots of anti‐blackness in scientific thought.

Recognizing multiple forms of in‐depth, largely descriptive yet still integrative, and useful knowledge is one way for ecology today to be more inclusive. The lesson is not that these other forms of knowledge are the same as either ecological science or natural history: we want to highlight the “difference” from ecology and natural history while highlighting their “relevance.” The lesson is that there have been multiple pathways into the sorts of knowledge about nature that are the hallmark of natural history and which people are seeking in ecology today. Colonial forms of knowledge production are not required! Moreover, being open to such pathways and the unique knowledge of different people with different histories is a way to be more welcoming to BIPOC people and start to overcome the blind spots of Western forms of natural history and ecology. This is a win‐win situation: addressing racism does not distract from ecological science but is a way to improve ecological knowledge itself.

CONFLICT OF INTEREST

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As members of The Ohio State University community, we would like to acknowledge that the land The Ohio State University occupies is the ancestral and contemporary territory of the Shawnee, Potawatomi, Delaware, Miami, Peoria, Seneca, Wyandotte, Ojibwe and Cherokee peoples. Specifically, the university resides on land ceded in the 1795 Treaty of Greeneville and the forced removal of tribes through the Indian Removal Act of 1830. We want to honor the resiliency of these tribal nations and recognize the historical contexts that have and continue to affect the Indigenous peoples of this land. We would also like to recognize the Black Ecologist section of the ESA for its advocacy and invitation to participate in these submissions elevating the Black experience in ecology. We thank the special editors K. Bailey, M. McCary and C. Hawn, for their support for this manuscript. Support for this collaboration was also provided by the NFS RCN: The Undergraduate Network for Increasing Diversity of Ecologists (UNIDE), NSF 2018939.

Miriti, Maria N. , Rawson Ariel J., and Mansfield Becky. 2023. “ The History of Natural History and Race: Decolonizing Human Dimensions of Ecology .” Ecological Applications 33 ( 1 ): e2748. 10.1002/eap.2748 [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]

Handling Editor: Gillian Bowser

Funding information U.S. National Science Foundation, Grant/Award Number: 2018939

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Collection  10 March 2022

Top 100 in Ecology

This collection highlights our most downloaded* ecology papers published in 2021. Featuring authors from aroud the world, these papers showcase valuable research from an international community.

*Data obtained from SN Insights which is based on Digital Science's Dimensions.

The first true millipede—1306 legs long

• Paul E. Marek
• Bruno A. Buzatto
• Juanita Rodriguez

Lethal coalitionary attacks of chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes troglodytes ) on gorillas ( Gorilla gorilla gorilla ) in the wild

• Lara M. Southern
• Tobias Deschner
• Simone Pika

Defining priority areas for blue whale conservation and investigating overlap with vessel traffic in Chilean Patagonia, using a fast-fitting movement model

• Luis Bedriñana-Romano
• Rodrigo Hucke-Gaete
• Daniel M. Palacios

Earliest evidence of herd-living and age segregation amongst dinosaurs

• Adriana C. Mancuso
• Vincent Fernandez

Extreme miniaturization of a new amniote vertebrate and insights into the evolution of genital size in chameleons

• Jörn Köhler
• Miguel Vences

Excess protein enabled dog domestication during severe Ice Age winters

• Maria Lahtinen
• David Clinnick
• Suvi Viranta

Honey bee hives decrease wild bee abundance, species richness, and fruit count on farms regardless of wildflower strips

• G. M. Angelella
• C. T. McCullough
• M. E. O’Rourke

Tracking late Pleistocene Neandertals on the Iberian coast

• Eduardo Mayoral
• Ignacio Díaz-Martínez
• Ricardo Díaz-Delgado

Exposure to foreign gut microbiota can facilitate rapid dietary shifts

• A. M. Fisher

Self-care tooling innovation in a disabled kea ( Nestor notabilis )

• Amalia P. M. Bastos
• Kata Horváth
• Alex H. Taylor

Discovery of a colossal slickhead (Alepocephaliformes: Alepocephalidae): an active-swimming top predator in the deep waters of Suruga Bay, Japan

• Yoshihiro Fujiwara
• Masaru Kawato
• Shinji Tsuchida

Microplastics in fish and fishmeal: an emerging environmental challenge?

• Christina J. Thiele
• Malcolm D. Hudson
• Giovanna Sidaoui-Haddad

An Italian dinosaur Lagerstätte reveals the tempo and mode of hadrosauriform body size evolution

• Alfio Alessandro Chiarenza
• Matteo Fabbri
• Federico Fanti

Seagrasses provide a novel ecosystem service by trapping marine plastics

• Anna Sanchez-Vidal
• Miquel Canals

Mistaken identity may explain why male sea snakes ( Aipysurus laevis , Elapidae, Hydrophiinae) “attack” scuba divers

• Tim P. Lynch
• Ross A. Alford
• Richard Shine

Explainable identification and mapping of trees using UAV RGB image and deep learning

• Masanori Onishi
• Takeshi Ise

The giant panda is cryptic

• Ossi Nokelainen
• Nicholas E. Scott-Samuel

Pivot burrowing of scarab beetle ( Trypoxylus dichotomus ) larva

• Haruhiko Adachi
• Makoto Ozawa
• Shigeru Kondo

Redefining the oceanic distribution of Atlantic salmon

• Audun H. Rikardsen
• David Righton
• Kim Aarestrup

Chest beats as an honest signal of body size in male mountain gorillas ( Gorilla beringei beringei )

• Edward Wright
• Sven Grawunder
• Martha M. Robbins

Powered flight in hatchling pterosaurs: evidence from wing form and bone strength

• Darren Naish
• Mark P. Witton
• Elizabeth Martin-Silverstone

Two wild female bonobos adopted infants from a different social group at Wamba

• Nahoko Tokuyama
• Kazuya Toda
• Shintaro Ishizuka

Multiple pygmy blue whale acoustic populations in the Indian Ocean: whale song identifies a possible new population

• Emmanuelle C. Leroy
• Jean-Yves Royer
• Tracey L. Rogers

Action potentials induce biomagnetic fields in carnivorous Venus flytrap plants

• Anne Fabricant
• Geoffrey Z. Iwata
• Dmitry Budker

North Pacific warming shifts the juvenile range of a marine apex predator

• Kisei R. Tanaka
• Kyle S. Van Houtan
• Salvador J. Jorgensen

Spatial and temporal pattern of wildfires in California from 2000 to 2019

• Tirtha Banerjee

Effects of climate change and land cover on the distributions of a critical tree family in the Philippines

• Sean E. H. Pang
• Jose Don T. De Alban
• Edward L. Webb

African soil properties and nutrients mapped at 30 m spatial resolution using two-scale ensemble machine learning

• Tomislav Hengl
• Matthew A. E. Miller
• Jonathan Crouch

Russian forest sequesters substantially more carbon than previously reported

• Dmitry Schepaschenko
• Elena Moltchanova
• Florian Kraxner

Isotope data from amino acids indicate Darwin’s ground sloth was not an herbivore

• Julia V. Tejada
• John J. Flynn
• Brian N. Popp

Late Pleistocene human paleoecology in the highland savanna ecosystem of mainland Southeast Asia

• Kantapon Suraprasit
• Rasmi Shoocongdej
• Hervé Bocherens

Early Pleistocene faunivorous hominins were not kleptoparasitic, and this impacted the evolution of human anatomy and socio-ecology

• Manuel Domínguez-Rodrigo
• Enrique Baquedano
• Diego González-Aguilera

An ecological niche shift for Neanderthal populations in Western Europe 70,000 years ago

• William E. Banks
• Marie-Hélène Moncel
• Frédéric Santos

Surface slicks are pelagic nurseries for diverse ocean fauna

• Jonathan L. Whitney
• Jamison M. Gove
• Gregory P. Asner

Field measurements of a massive Porites coral at Goolboodi (Orpheus Island), Great Barrier Reef

• Nathan Cook
• Vicki Saylor

Ongoing ecological and evolutionary consequences by the presence of transgenes in a wild cotton population

• Valeria Vázquez-Barrios
• Karina Boege

Novel and disappearing climates in the global surface ocean from 1800 to 2100

• Katie E. Lotterhos
• Áki J. Láruson
• Li-Qing Jiang

Partial shading by solar panels delays bloom, increases floral abundance during the late-season for pollinators in a dryland, agrivoltaic ecosystem

• Maggie Graham
• Serkan Ates
• Chad W. Higgins

The early hunting dog from Dmanisi with comments on the social behaviour in Canidae and hominins

• Saverio Bartolini-Lucenti
• Joan Madurell-Malapeira
• Lorenzo Rook

Comprehensive comparative morphology and developmental staging of final instar larvae toward metamorphosis in the insect order Odonata

• Genta Okude
• Takema Fukatsu
• Ryo Futahashi

G enome-wide data implicate terminal fusion automixis in king cobra facultative parthenogenesis

• Daren C. Card
• Freek J. Vonk
• Warren Booth

New evidence from exceptionally “well-preserved” specimens sheds light on the structure of the ammonite brachial crown

• C. P. A. Smith
• N. H. Landman

Population decline in a ground-nesting solitary squash bee ( Eucera pruinosa ) following exposure to a neonicotinoid insecticide treated crop ( Cucurbita pepo )

• D. Susan Willis Chan
• Nigel E. Raine

Tropical deforestation induces thresholds of reproductive viability and habitat suitability in Earth’s largest eagles

• Everton B. P. Miranda
• Carlos A. Peres
• Colleen T. Downs

Biodiversity and ecosystem functions depend on environmental conditions and resources rather than the geodiversity of a tropical biodiversity hotspot

• Christine I. B. Wallis
• Yvonne C. Tiede
• Jörg Bendix

Summer weather conditions influence winter survival of honey bees ( Apis mellifera ) in the northeastern United States

• Martina Calovi
• Christina M. Grozinger
• Sarah C. Goslee

Evidence that spillover from Marine Protected Areas benefits the spiny lobster ( Panulirus interruptus ) fishery in southern California

• Hunter S. Lenihan
• Jordan P. Gallagher
• Daniel C. Reed

Metal concentrations in coastal sharks from The Bahamas with a focus on the Caribbean Reef shark

• Oliver N. Shipley
• Cheng-Shiuan Lee
• Austin J. Gallagher

First tracks of newborn straight-tusked elephants ( Palaeoloxodon antiquus )

• Carlos Neto de Carvalho
• Zain Belaústegui
• Clive Finlayson

An integrative analysis uncovers a new, pseudo-cryptic species of Amazonian marmoset (Primates: Callitrichidae: Mico ) from the arc of deforestation

• Rodrigo Costa-Araújo
• José S. Silva-Jr.
• Tomas Hrbek

eDNA sampled from stream networks correlates with camera trap detection rates of terrestrial mammals

• Arnaud Lyet
• Loïc Pellissier
• Robin Naidoo

Large-scale variations in the dynamics of Amazon forest canopy gaps from airborne lidar data and opportunities for tree mortality estimates

• Ricardo Dalagnol
• Fabien H. Wagner
• Luiz E. O. C. Aragão

Tipping point realized in cod fishery

• Christian Möllmann
• Xochitl Cormon
• Martin Quaas

Temporal activity patterns suggesting niche partitioning of sympatric carnivores in Borneo, Malaysia

• Miyabi Nakabayashi
• Tomoko Kanamori

No evidence of physiological declines with age in an extremely long-lived fish

• Derek J. Sauer
• Britt J. Heidinger
• Mark E. Clark

International fisheries threaten globally endangered sharks in the Eastern Tropical Pacific Ocean: the case of the Fu Yuan Yu Leng 999 reefer vessel seized within the Galápagos Marine Reserve

• Elisa Bonaccorso
• Nicté Ordóñez-Garza
• Juan M. Guayasamin

Indirect effects of invasive rat removal result in recovery of island rocky intertidal community structure

• Carolyn M. Kurle
• Kelly M. Zilliacus
• Donald A. Croll

Assessing the carbon capture potential of a reforestation project

• David Lefebvre
• Adrian G. Williams

The evolutionary history of manatees told by their mitogenomes

• Érica Martinha Silva de Souza
• Lucas Freitas
• Mariana Freitas Nery

Microplastics accumulate fungal pathogens in terrestrial ecosystems

• Gerasimos Gkoutselis
• Stephan Rohrbach
• Gerhard Rambold

Advances in automatic identification of flying insects using optical sensors and machine learning

• Carsten Kirkeby
• Klas Rydhmer
• Kaare Græsbøll

Aboveground plant-to-plant communication reduces root nodule symbiosis and soil nutrient concentrations

• Yuta Takahashi
• Kaori Shiojiri
• Akira Yamawo

The rhizosphere microbiome plays a role in the resistance to soil-borne pathogens and nutrient uptake of strawberry cultivars under field conditions

• Cristina Lazcano
• Kelly Ivors

Highest risk abandoned, lost and discarded fishing gear

• Eric Gilman
• Michael Musyl
• Brandon Kuczenski

Future thermal regimes for epaulette sharks ( Hemiscyllium ocellatum ): growth and metabolic performance cease to be optimal

• Carolyn R. Wheeler
• Jodie L. Rummer
• John W. Mandelman

Earliest evidence of marine habitat use by mammals

• Anton F.-J. Wroblewski
• Bonnie E. Gulas-Wroblewski

Constraining the chronology and ecology of Late Acheulean and Middle Palaeolithic occupations at the margins of the monsoon

• James Blinkhorn
• Hema Achyuthan
• Jana Ilgner

Neonicotinoids disrupt memory, circadian behaviour and sleep

• Kiah Tasman
• Sergio Hidalgo
• James J. L. Hodge

Evaluation metrics and validation of presence-only species distribution models based on distributional maps with varying coverage

• Kamil Konowalik
• Agata Nosol

Ecosystem response persists after a prolonged marine heatwave

• Robert M. Suryan
• Mayumi L. Arimitsu
• Stephani G. Zador

Rhizobia use a pathogenic-like effector to hijack leguminous nodulation signalling

• Safirah Tasa Nerves Ratu
• Albin Teulet
• Shin Okazaki

Camera trap placement for evaluating species richness, abundance, and activity

• Kamakshi S. Tanwar
• Yadvendradev V. Jhala

Assessing biophysical and socio-economic impacts of climate change on regional avian biodiversity

• Simon Kapitza
• Pham Van Ha
• Brendan A. Wintle

Smell of green leaf volatiles attracts white storks to freshly cut meadows

• Martin Wikelski
• Michael Quetting
• Jonathan Williams

Dinosaur senescence: a hadrosauroid with age-related diseases brings a new perspective of “old” dinosaurs

• Justyna Słowiak
• Tomasz Szczygielski
• Dawid Surmik

Positive effects of COVID-19 lockdown on river water quality: evidence from River Damodar, India

• Baisakhi Chakraborty
• Biswajit Bera
• Pravat Kumar Shit

Snow algae blooms are beneficial for microinvertebrates assemblages (Tardigrada and Rotifera) on seasonal snow patches in Japan

• Nozomu Takeuchi
• Krzysztof Zawierucha

Coastal wetlands can be saved from sea level rise by recreating past tidal regimes

• Mahmood Sadat-Noori
• Caleb Rankin
• William Glamore

Identifying unknown Indian wolves by their distinctive howls: its potential as a non-invasive survey method

• Sougata Sadhukhan
• Holly Root-Gutteridge
• Bilal Habib

Optimal fishing effort benefits fisheries and conservation

• Emma V. Sheehan
• Martin J. Attrill

The spreading of the invasive sacred ibis in Italy

• Marco Cucco
• Gianfranco Alessandria
• Irene Pellegrino

Exceptional fossil assemblages confirm the existence of complex Early Triassic ecosystems during the early Spathian

• Christopher P. A. Smith
• Thomas Laville
• Arnaud Brayard

Allelopathic effect of Artemisia argyi on the germination and growth of various weeds

Organophosphate poisoning of Hyacinth Macaws in the Southern Pantanal, Brazil

• Eliane C. Vicente
• Neiva M. R. Guedes

The critical role of natural history museums in advancing eDNA for biodiversity studies: a case study with Amazonian fishes

• C. David de Santana
• Lynne R. Parenti

Novel approach to enhance coastal habitat and biotope mapping with drone aerial imagery analysis

• João Gama Monteiro
• Jesús L. Jiménez
• João Canning-Clode

High resolution biologging of breaching by the world’s second largest shark species

• Jessica L. Rudd
• Owen M. Exeter
• Lucy A. Hawkes

The largest hoplophonine and a complex new hypothesis of nimravid evolution

• Paul Zachary Barrett

Dangerous demographics in post-bleach corals reveal boom-bust versus protracted declines

• Juliano Morais
• Renato A. Morais
• David R. Bellwood

Welwitschia : Phylogeography of a living fossil, diversified within a desert refuge

• Norbert Jürgens
• Imke Oncken
• Barbara Rudolph

Response of bacterial and fungal communities to high petroleum pollution in different soils

• Polina Galitskaya
• Liliya Biktasheva
• Svetlana Selivanovskaya

Integrating multiple chemical tracers to elucidate the diet and habitat of Cookiecutter Sharks

• Aaron B. Carlisle
• Elizabeth Andruszkiewicz Allan
• John O’Sullivan

Environmental stressors, complex interactions and marine benthic communities’ responses

• Charlotte Carrier-Belleau
• David Drolet
• Philippe Archambault

eDNA metabarcoding for biodiversity assessment, generalist predators as sampling assistants

• Louise Nørgaard
• Carsten Riis Olesen
• Laura Iacolina

Distance sampling surveys reveal 17 million vertebrates directly killed by the 2020’s wildfires in the Pantanal, Brazil

• Walfrido Moraes Tomas
• Christian Niel Berlinck
• Ronaldo Morato

Description of five new species of the Madagascan flagship plant genus Ravenala (Strelitziaceae)

• Thomas Haevermans
• Annette Hladik
• Patrick Blanc

A symbiotic aphid selfishly manipulates attending ants via dopamine in honeydew

• Tatsumi Kudo
• Hitoshi Aonuma
• Eisuke Hasegawa

Ixodiphagus hookeri wasps (Hymenoptera: Encyrtidae) in two sympatric tick species Ixodes ricinus and Haemaphysalis concinna (Ixodida: Ixodidae) in the Slovak Karst (Slovakia): ecological and biological considerations

• Alicja Buczek
• Weronika Buczek
• Michał Stanko

Genomic signatures of the evolution of defence against its natural enemies in the poisonous and medicinal plant Datura stramonium (Solanaceae)

• I. M. De-la-Cruz
• J. Núñez-Farfán

Timely poacher detection and localization using sentinel animal movement

• Henrik J. de Knegt
• Jasper A. J. Eikelboom
• Herbert H. T. Prins

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