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The Role of Spanish American War in American International Trade

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The Adam-onís Treaty: a Landmark in U.s.-spanish Relations

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Primary Source Set The Spanish-American War: The United States Becomes a World Power

The resources in this primary source set are intended for classroom use. If your use will be beyond a single classroom, please review the copyright and fair use guidelines.

Teacher’s Guide

To help your students analyze these primary sources, get a graphic organizer and guides: Analysis Tool and Guides

The Spanish-American War lasted only about ten weeks in 1898. However, the war had far-reaching effects for both the United States and Spain.

Causes of the War

The conflict had complex beginnings. By the 1890s, Cuba had unsuccessfully battled Spain for independence for many years. In 1895, the Cuban revolutionary José Marti led an expedition to the island, attempting to seize power from Spain. As a result of U.S. economic interests in Cuba, the U.S. government sought to stabilize the situation. An agreement was negotiated between the United States and Spain by which Cuba would become self-governing on January 1, 1898.

Events derailed this plan. Following a January riot in Havana, President William McKinley sent the USS Maine to Havana to protect U.S. citizens and interests. On February 15, an explosion sank the Maine, killing 266 men on board. On April 19, Congress passed the Teller Amendment, which said that the United States would not establish permanent control over Cuba. The United States declared war on Spain on April 25.

Although Cuba played a key role in the start of the war, battles between the U.S. and Spain took place around the world. In fact, the first hostilities took place in the Philippines on May 1, in the Battle of Manila Bay. Fighting did not occur in Cuba until June; a key battle took place on July 1. One of the leaders of U.S. forces in this battle was Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, who led a cavalry regiment known as the Rough Riders.

In May, U.S. troops landed in Puerto Rico, where they faced little Spanish opposition. By August 2, the Spanish and the Americans began to negotiate an end to the conflict, with the Spanish accepting the peace terms laid out by President McKinley.

Hostilities formally ended on August 12, 1898. The Treaty of Paris, ending the Spanish-American War, was signed on December 10. Spain gave up Guam, Puerto Rico, its possessions in the West Indies, and the Philippines in exchange for a U.S. payment of $20 million. The United States occupied Cuba but, as provided for in the Teller Amendment, did not try to annex it.

Media Coverage

The war helped fuel major changes in U.S. news media. U.S. newspapers covered the war with gusto. Technological innovations changed reportage and documentation. New technology that made it easier for newspapers to publish photographs allowed the papers to publish more illustrations and less text. Some reporters in the field in Cuba provided excellent, firsthand reporting. Reporters who used telegraphs as the basis for their stories, however, typically relied on secondhand information.

Major newspaper owners—including Joseph Pulitzer of the New York World and William Randolph Hearst of the New York Journal—viewed public interest in the war as an opportunity to sell newspapers. The papers, in a circulation war, featured sensational coverage and attention-grabbing photographs of events in Cuba. Although the cause of the explosion of the USS Maine was unknown, for example, New York newspapers blamed Spain. Historians once held that biased coverage of the war, often referred to as yellow journalism, was a cause of the war. Today, however, historians find less evidence for that claim.

At the time of the war’s outbreak, film was a new medium, and the conflict became a popular topic. Short films showed such scenes as servicemen exercising, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders on their horses, and funeral processions of dead soldiers. Motion pictures began to move from being seen as a fad to an accepted method of documenting historical events--even though some films depicting events from the war were actually re-enactments.

Victory in the Spanish-American War transformed the United States, a former colony, to an imperial power. Many Americans saw this development as a natural part of the nation’s “Manifest Destiny”--the belief that expansion of the United States was both right and inevitable.

Opposition to this new role also existed. In June 1898, the American Anti-Imperialist League was formed to fight annexation of the Philippines. Its members included former President Grover Cleveland, industrialist Andrew Carnegie, author Mark Twain, and labor leader Samuel Gompers.

A recognized war hero, Theodore Roosevelt instantly became credible as a political candidate. Roosevelt was elected governor of New York in 1898 and vice president of the United States in 1901. He became the youngest president to date later that year, when President McKinley was assassinated just months into his second term.

Suggestions for Teachers

These primary sources may help students understand key aspects of the Spanish-American War, including its causes, the role of journalism before and during the war, Theodore Roosevelt’s participation in the war, and opposition to the war.

Focus students’ attention on primary sources about the USS Maine. Compare and contrast treatments of the sinking in different documents. How did people respond to the sinking of the Maine? How were events involving the Maine covered in the media? Ask students to think about what claim or argument each document makes about the sinking of the Maine. What evidence does each document present as support? What evidence do students find to evaluate whether media coverage was sensationalized or factual?
Focus on the “The Big Type War of the Yellow Kids” cartoon. What can students infer from this cartoon about the role of newspapers in the war? Challenge students to determine its creator’s point of view or purpose, and to explain how it is conveyed in the cartoon. Students might also look at other documents in the set to find evidence that supports or contradicts the point of view in this cartoon.
This set includes a short film of Roosevelt’s Rough Riders. Students might compare and contrast this film to Skirmish of Rough Riders, a reenactment made in New Jersey, according to the catalog record. What clues are there to indicate which film is an actuality and which is a reenactment? Why is it important to be able to identify when a film is a re-creation of a scene? For additional reenactments, search The Spanish-American War in Motion Pictures using the term “reenactment.”
Ask students to find information about Theodore Roosevelt in the primary source set and describe Roosevelt. How is he presented in each primary source? What aspects of Roosevelt’s life or character would lead people to believe that he should run for public office? Students may research other military heroes who went into politics. Would students conclude that the American people have found military heroes to be good government leaders as well?
What evidence can students find in the primary source set that some people were opposed to the war or some aspects of the war? What arguments can be made for or against the new role of the United States as an imperial power? Have students integrate the information from a number of primary sources and prepare a pamphlet or editorial responding to the Anti-Imperialist League’s leaflet.

Additional Resources

spanish american war argumentative essay

Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers

The Spanish-American War in Motion Pictures

An American Time Capsule: Three Centuries of Broadsides and Other Printed Ephemera

Library of Congress
Research Guides

World of 1898: International Perspectives on the Spanish American War

Overview essay.

Introduction
Cuba in 1898
Chronology of Cuba in the Spanish-American War
Philippine Perspective
The Changing of the Guard: Puerto Rico in 1898
The Spanish-American War of 1898: a Spanish View
American Perspective
Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy
Russell Alexander Alger
Thomas McArthur Anderson
Basilio Augustin y Dávila
Ramón Auñón y Villalón
Román Baldorioty de Castro
José Celso Barbosa
Clara Barton
Segismundo Bermejo
Ramón Emeterio Betances
Ramón Blanco y Erenas
Andrés Bonifacio
John Rutter Brooke
Jules-Martin Cambon
Pascual Cervera y Topete
Grover Cleveland
Stephen Crane
George W. Davis
Federico Degetau y González
George Dewey
José de Diego
Manuel V. Domenech
Enrique Dupuy de Lôme
Oswald Herbert Ernst
Maximo Gómez Baez
John Milton Hay
Guy Vernon Henry
Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla
Tulio Larrinaga
Fitzhugh Lee
William Ludlow
Antonio Maceo
Manuel Macías
William McKinley
Nelson Appleton Miles
Luis Muñoz Rivera
Whitelaw Reid
Lola Rodríguez de Tió
Manuel Rojas
Theodore Roosevelt
Práxedes Mateo Sagasta
William T. Sampson
Juan Manuel Sánchez y Gutiérrez de Castro
Theodore Schwan
William Shafter
Martín Travieso
Joaquín Vara de Rey y Rubio
James Franklin Wade
Richard Wainwright
Valeriano Weyler
Walt Whitman
Henry H. Whitney
James Harrison Wilson
Coamo and Aibonito
Mayagüez, Hormigueros, and Arecibo
Cienfuegos Bay
Abolition of Slavery in Puerto Rico
American Ships in the Spanish-American War
Balzac v. Porto Rico
Foraker Act (Organic Act of 1900)
Grito de Balintawak
Grito de Lares
Hurricane San Ciriaco
Anti-Imperialist League
Military Government in Puerto Rico
Olmsted Amendment
Peace Agreement in Puerto Rico
Reconcentration Policy
Rough Riders
Spanish Ships in the Spanish-American War
Teller and Platt Amendments
Treaty of Paris of 1898
U.S.S. Gloucester
Additional Resources
Acknowledgements

The Spanish-American War

By david trask.

Between 1895 and 1898 Cuba and the Philippine Islands revolted against Spain. The Cubans gained independence, but the Filipinos did not. In both instances the intervention of the United States was the culminating event.

In 1895 the Cuban patriot and revolutionary, José Martí, resumed the Cuban struggle for freedom that had failed during the Ten Years' War (1868-1878). Cuban juntas provided leadership and funds for the military operations conducted in Cuba. Spain possessed superior numbers of troops, forcing the Cuban generals Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo, to wage guerrilla warfare in the hope of exhausting the enemy. Operations began in southeastern Cuba but soon spread westward. The Spanish Conservative Party, led by Antonio Cánovas y Castillo, vowed to suppress the insurrectos, but failed to do so.

The Cuban cause gained increasing support in the United States, leading President Grover Cleveland to press for a settlement, but instead Spain sent General Valeriano Weyler to pacify Cuba. His stern methods, including reconcentration of the civilian population to deny the guerrillas support in the countryside, strengthened U.S. sympathy for the Cubans. President William McKinley then increased pressure on Spain to end the affair, dispatching a new minister to Spain for this purpose. At this juncture an anarchist assassinated Cánovas, and his successor, the leader of the Liberal Party Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, decided to make a grant of autonomy to Cuba and Puerto Rico. The Cuban leadership resisted this measure, convinced that continued armed resistance would lead to independence.

In February two events crystallized U.S. opinion in favor of Cuban independence. First, the Spanish minister in Washington, Enrique Dupuy de Lóme, wrote a letter critical of President McKinley that fell into the hands of the Cuban junta in New York. Its publication caused a sensation, but Sagasta quickly recalled Dupuy de Lóme. A few days later, however, the Battleship Maine, which had been sent to Havana to provide a naval presence there exploded and sank, causing the death of 266 sailors. McKinley, strongly opposed to military intervention, ordered an investigation of the sinking as did Spain. The Spanish inquiry decided that an internal explosion had destroyed the vessel, but the American investigation claimed an external source.

The reluctant McKinley was then forced to demand that Spain grant independence to Cuba, but Sagasta refused, fearing that such a concession would destroy the shaky Restoration Monarchy. It faced opposition from various domestic political groups that might exploit the Cuban affair by precipitating revolution at home. Underlying strong Spanish opposition to Cuban freedom was the traditional belief that God had granted Spain its empire, of which Cuba was the principal remaining area, as a reward for the conquest of the Moors. Spanish honor demanded defense of its overseas possessions, including Puerto Rico and the Philippines. Spain sought diplomatic support from the great powers of Europe, but its long-standing isolation and the strength of the U.S. deterred sympathetic governments from coming to its aid.

On 25 April Congress responded to McKinley's request for armed intervention. Spain had broken diplomatic relations on 23 April. The American declaration of war was predated to 21 April to legitimize certain military operations that had already taken place, particularly a blockade of Havana. To emphasize that its sole motive at the beginning of the struggle was Cuban independence, the U.S. Congress passed a resolution, the Teller Amendment, that foreswore any intention of annexing Cuba.

Neither nation had desired war but both had made preparations as the crisis deepened after the sinking of the Maine. McKinley, having opposed war, hoped to end it quickly at the least possible expenditure of blood and treasure. The U.S. possessed a small well-trained navy, but the army was composed only twenty-eight thousand regulars. Spain had large garrisons in Cuba and the Philippines, but its navy was poorly maintained and much weaker than that of the U.S. Prewar planning in the U.S. had settled upon a naval blockade of Cuba and an attack on the decrepit Spanish squadron at Manila to achieve command of the sea and preclude reinforcement and resupply of the Spanish overseas forces. These measures would bring immediate pressure on Spain and signal American determination. The small army would conduct raids against Cuba and help sustain the Cuban army until a volunteer army could be mobilized for extensive service in Cuba. Spain was forced to accept the U.S. decision to fight on the periphery of Spanish power where its ability to resist was weakest.

The war began with two American successes. Admiral William Sampson immediately established a blockade of Havana that was soon extended along the north coast of Cuba and eventually to the south side. Sampson then prepared to counter Spanish effort to send naval assistance. Then, on 1 May, Commodore George Dewey, commanding the Asiatic Squadron, destroyed Admiral Patricio Montoyo's small force of wooden vessels in Manila Bay. Dewey had earlier moved from Japan to Hong Kong to position himself for an attack on the Philippines. When news of this triumph reached Washington, McKinley authorized a modest army expedition to conduct land operations against Manila, a step in keeping with the desire to maintain constant pressure on Spain in the hope of forcing an early end to the war.

On 29 April a Spanish squadron commanded by Admiral Pascual Cervera left European waters for the West Indies to reinforce the Spanish forces in Cuba. Sampson prepared to meet this challenge to American command of the Caribbean Sea. Cervera eventually took his squadron into the harbor at Santiago de Cuba at the opposite end of the island from Havana where the bulk of the Spanish army was concentrated.

As soon as Cervera was blockaded at Santiago (29 May) McKinley made two important decisions. He ordered the regular army, then being concentrated at Tampa, to move as quickly as possible to Santiago de Cuba. There it would join with the navy in operations intended to eliminate Cervera's forces. Also on 3 June he secretly informed Spain of his war aims through Great Britain and Austria. Besides independence for Cuba, he indicated a desire to annex Puerto Rico (in lieu of a monetary indemnity) and an island in the Marianas chain in the Pacific Ocean. Also the United States sought a port in the Philippines, but made no mention of further acquisitions there. The American message made it clear that the U.S. would increase its demands, should Spain fail to accept these demands. Sagasta was not yet ready to admit defeat, which ended the initial American attempt to arrange an early peace.

Major General William Shafter then conducted a chaotic but successful transfer of the Fifth Army Corps from Tampa to the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. The need to move quickly caused great confusion, but it was a reasonable price to pay for seizing the initiative at the earliest possible moment. The navy escorted his convoy of transports around the eastern end of Cuba to Santiago de Cuba, where he arrived on 20 June. After landing at Daiquirí and Siboney east of the city, he moved quickly toward the enemy along an interior route, fearful of tropical diseases and desirous of thwarting Spanish reinforcements on the way from the north.

The navy urged a different course, suggesting an attack on the narrow channel connecting the harbor of Santiago de Cuba to the sea. An advance near the coast would allow the navy's guns to provide artillery support. Sweeping of mines in the channel and seizure of the batteries in the area would enable the navy to storm the harbor entrance and enter the harbor for an engagement with Cervera's forces. Shafter rejected this proposal, perhaps because of army-navy rivalry. The Spanish commander did not oppose Shafter's landing and offered only slight resistance to his westward movement. He disposed his garrison of ten thousand men along a perimeter reaching entirely around the city to the two sides of the harbor channel, hoping to prevent Cuban guerrillas under General Máximo Gómez from getting into the city. Three defensive lines were created west of the city to deal with the American advance. The first line was centered on the San Juan Heights, but only five hundred troops were assigned to defend the place. The Spanish intended to make their principal defense closer to the city.

Shafter's plan of attack, based on inadequate reconnaissance, envisioned two associated operations. One force would attack El Caney, a strong point of the Spanish left to eliminate the possibility of a flank attack on the main American effort, aimed at the San Juan Heights. After reducing El Caney, the American troops would move into position to the right of the rest of the Fifth Corps for an assault in the San Juan Heights that would carry into the city and force the capitulation of the Spanish garrison. Shafter's orders for the attack were vague, leading some historians to believe that Shafter intended only to seize the heights.

The battle of 1 July did not develop as planned. Lawton's force was detained at El Caney where a Spanish garrison of only five hundred men held off the attackers for many hours. Meanwhile the rest of the Fifth Corps struggled into position beneath the San Juan Heights. It did not move against the Spanish positions until the early afternoon. Fortunately a section of Gatling guns was able to fire on the summit of San Juan Hill, a bombardment that forced the Spanish defenders to abandon the position to the American force attacking on the left. Another group on the right that included the 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry, commanded that day by Theodore Roosevelt, moved across an adjacent elevation, Kettle Hill. The Spanish retreated to their second line of defense, and the Fifth Army Corps, exhausted and disorganized, set about entrenching itself on the San Juan Heights. Having failed to seize the city, Shafter considered abandoning this position, which was exposed to enemy artillery fire, but mandatory orders from Washington led instead to the inauguration of a siege, soon supported by the arrival of U.S. reinforcements.

The partial success of 1 July produced consternation in Havana. The commander in Cuba, General Ramón Blanco, ordered Cervera to leave Santiago de Cuba, fearing that the Spanish squadron would fall into American hands, to face the concentrated fire of all the American vessels outside, a certain recipe for disaster. Blanco persisted, and on 3 July Cervera made his sortie. Admiral Sampson had just left the blockade, moving east to compose differences with General Shafter. This movement left Commodore Winfield Scott Schley as the senior officer present during the naval battle. Schley had earned Sampson's distrust because of his earlier failure to blockade Cervera promptly. This concern was justified when Schley allowed his flagship to make an eccentric turn away from the exiting Spanish ships before assuming its place in the pursuit. Cervera hoped to flee west to Cienfuegos, but four of his five vessels were sunk near the entrance to the channel. The other ship was overhauled over fifty miles westward where its commander drove it upon the shore to escape sinking.

This destruction of Cervera's squadron decided the war, although further fighting occurred elsewhere. Sagasta decided to capitulate at Santiago de Cuba and to inaugurate peace negotiations at an early date through the good offices of France. He also recalled a naval expedition under Admiral Manuel de la Cámara that had left Spain earlier, moving eastward through the Mediterranean Sea and the Suez Canal to relieve the garrison in the Philippines. The navy had organized a squadron to pursue Cámara, but his recall ended any requirement for it.

After the Spanish forces at Santiago de Cuba capitulated on 17 July, a welcome event because the Fifth Army Corps had fallen victim to malaria, dysentery, and other tropical diseases, the Commanding General of the Army, Nelson Miles, led an expedition to Puerto Rico that landed on the south coast of that island. He sent three columns northward with orders to converge on San Juan. These movements proceeded successfully, but were ended short of the objective when word of a peace settlement reached Miles. Meanwhile the fifth Army Corps was hastily shipped to Long Island to recuperate while volunteer regiments continued the occupation of Cuba commanded by General Leonard Wood.

The last military operations of the war were conducted at Manila. An expedition under Major General Wesley Merritt arrived during July and encamped north of the city. Preparations for an attack were made amidst increasing signs of opposition from Filipino insurrectos led by Emilio Aguinaldo. He had become the leader of a revolutionary outburst in 1896-1897 that had ended in a truce. He established himself in Hong Kong, and in May 1898 Commodore Dewey transported him to Manila where he set about re-energizing his movement. During the summer he succeeded in gaining control of extensive territory in Luzon, and his forces sought to seize Manila. Dewey provided some supplies, but did not recognize the government that Aguinaldo set up.

Dewey hoped to avoid further hostilities at Manila. To this end he engaged in shadowy negotiations with a new Spanish governor in Manila and the Roman Catholic Bishop of the city. An agreement was reached whereby there would be a brief engagement between the Spanish and American forces followed immediately by surrender of the city, after which the Americans were to prevent Aguinaldo's troops from entering Manila. General Merritt was suspicious of this deal, but on 13 August, after the American troops moved through a line of defenses north of Manila, the Spanish garrison surrendered to Dewey. The guerrillas were denied access, and the American troops occupied the city. Continuing American failure to recognize the Aguinaldo government fostered increasing distrust.

Meanwhile, negotiations between McKinley and the French ambassador in Washington, Jules Cambon, came to fruition. The string of Spanish defeats ensured that the U.S. could dictate a settlement. On 12 August, McKinley and Cambon signed a protocol that provided for Cuban independence and the cession of Puerto Rico and an island in the Marianas (Guam). It differed from the American offer of June only in that it deferred action on the Philippines to a peace conference in Paris. The cautious McKinley hoped to limit American involvement with the Philippines, but a strong current of public opinion in favor of the annexation of the entire archipelago forced the President's hand. He developed a rationale for expansion that stressed the duty of the nation and its destiny, arguing that he could discern no other acceptable course. The Spanish delegation at the peace conference was forced to accept McKinley's decision. The Treaty of Paris signed on 10 December 1898 ceded the Philippines to the U.S. in return for a sum of $25 million to pay for Spanish property in the islands.

When the treaty was sent to the Senate for approval, anti-imperialist elements offered some opposition, but on 6 February 1899 the Senate accepted it by a vote of 57 to 27, only two more than the necessary two-thirds majority. Fatefully, two days before the vote, armed hostilities broke out at Manila between the American garrison and Aguinaldo's troops, the beginning of a struggle that lasted until July 1902. Although Cuba received its independence, the Platt Amendment (1902) severely limited its sovereignty and stimulated a dependent relationship that affected the evolution of Cuban society. This dependency leads some historians to maintain that the events of 1895-1898 were simply a transition (la transición) from Spanish imperialism to American imperialism. Eventually the U.S. rejected the expansion of 1898, which included the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, canceling the Platt Amendment, granting independence to the Philippine Islands, and admitting Hawaii into the Union. The war heralded the emergence of the United States as a great power, but mostly it reflected the burgeoning national development of the nineteenth century. World War I, not the American intervention in the Cuban-Spanish struggle of 1895-1898, determined the revolutionized national security policy of the years since 1914. These policies, in keeping with American values, were decidedly anti-imperialistic in both the formal and informal meanings of the term.

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Principal Causes and Consequences of the Spanish-American War Essay

Introduction, causes of the spanish-american war, the consequences of the spanish-american war, list of references.

By far and large, the Spanish-American war is viewed by most scholars as one of the major turning points in the history of both America and Spain in terms of their political, social, cultural and even economic structures (Schoultz, 2009).

In essence, the Spanish-American was a short-lived war that was fought between the US and Spain beginning in April 1898 and ending in August this same year. However, in the course of the war, other players like Cuba, Puerto Rico, Germany and the Philippines got involved based on their directly or indirect vested interests in the outcomes of the war.

On one hand, there are scholars who are of the opinion that, in spite of the casualties of the war, the Spanish-American war was a necessary endeavour. To support this argument, such scholars point to the positive results that came from the war—especially with regards to the territories that got colonized (Kaplan, 2003).

On the other hand, some scholars criticize the war basing their arguments on the deaths, loss of properties worth millions of shillings, and signing of some treaties which favoured the winners of the war while looking down upon the losers, among many other effects that will be duly detailed in the course of this paper.

If we are to get the real picture of the Spanish-American war, then it is inherent for us to dig into the annals of history and get authoritative information on the specifics of the war. It is with that in mind that this paper seeks to give a succinct, yet inclusively representative, chronology of the events of the war—with major emphasis being laid on the causes and effects. Once these events are analyzed, a summative recapitulation will be given.

Preliminarily, it is worth noting that, just like many wars in history, the Spanish-American war was a culmination of any factors all coming together at one time. In this section of the paper, some of the major factors that contributed to the war are going to be divided into three broad areas:

The Spanish world domination and the American need to overthrow them: This will entail the political, economic, social and cultural factors that pushed the two sides towards the war.
The influence of the mass media and “Yellow Journalism”: Here, emphasis will be laid on the journalistic practices and stories that contributed to the war.
The Cuban Connection: This will specifically focus on the Cuban interest by both America and Spain and how the need to control it led to the war.

The Spanish World Domination and the American Need to Overthrow Them

According to Lennon (2002), Spain was considered as the most powerful nation on earth around the mid-1600s. During this time, it controlled several colonies across the world especially in Central and South America, the Caribbean and some sections of Asia.

However, as time progressed, Spain lost some of its colonial territories majorly through civil wars and the struggle for independence. In spite of loosing these territories, Spain still managed to hold on to a few of its colonies like Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean Islands and the Philippines in Asia.

Shifting our focus temporarily to USA during this time, Musicant, (1998) says that, having been a former colony of Britain; the United States was initially opposed to the issue of colonization as they deemed it as being immoral and unfair to the countries being colonized.

However, as the 20 th century approached and the dominance of countries like Spain continued to spread like a wildfire; some leaders in USA who ascribed to the notions of mercantilism began promoting ideas in favor of imperialism.

A key principle in Imperialism was ethnocentrism—which purported that some cultures and tribes were more superior to others thus necessitating the need for control of the weaker cultures (Lennon, 2002). It is on the basis of such ideologies that leaders like of Roosevelt and William Jennings Brian encouraged the people in USA to embrace the ideologies of colonialism.

Many other people also came up to provide moral justifications for engaging into colonization including the need to spread Christian and protestant ideas, viability for trade encouraged by linking up with other nations and the better culture that would result from blending with other cultures (Immerman, 2010).

Resultantly, the demand for the US acquiring her own territories grew exponentially and by the 1890s; America had acquired a fair share of colonial territories making it a vibrant and easily noticeable player in the game of world power dominance (Roosevelt, 1913/1967).

It is during this time (the 1890s) that the idea of colonizing nearby assets such as Cuba and Puerto Rico came into central focus. After a few futile attempts of peaceful negotiations for the colonization of these countries failed, it was eminently clear that the only way to colonize the likes of Cuba and Puerto Rico was through war or some form of battle (Loveman, 2010).

The influence of Mass Media and “Yellow Journalism”

In the 1890s, very few media organizations existed based on immense costs that were needed to run the outlets (Kaplan, 2003). In America, the domination of the media was by William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer.

The competition between these two media bigwigs led to the birth of journalism whereby facts and ideas would be exaggerated or twisted to get public attention and increase the sale of newspapers (Lennon, 2002). This competition is what later came to be known as Yellow Journalism.

Owing to the increasing rivalry between America and Spain in their world dominance and colonization efforts; Hearst and Pulitzer chose to capitalize on the opportunity by exaggerating facts and events—obviously favoring the USA, which was their mother country.

For example, in the bid to make the Spanish look bad and unwilling to allow Cuba to gain their independence; Lennon (2002) reports that Hearst and his journalists produced fictitious and ridiculously salacious stories of how the Spaniards were oppressing the Cubans.

Soon, public interest in USA regarding the alleged suffering and oppression in Cuba began to grow with several people calling upon President McKinley (USA president at that time) to “do something” so as to change the situation and help the Cubans (DeGuzmán, 2005).

It is based on these reports that President McKinley sent American troops into Cuba—something which angered the Spanish and, after a series of other unfortunate events in Cuba which will be explained later, soon led to the war (Schoultz, 2009).

The Cuban Connection

In many ways, the Cuban connection was the major highlight and cause of the war. As was earlier mentioned under the contribution of Yellow Journalism towards the war, the public outcries in USA regarding the Spanish oppression in Cuba pushed the President McKinley towards taking an action—even though, personally, he was not a big proponent of the war (DeGuzmán, 2005).

In January 1898, President McKinley eventually found a reason for justifying his response to the public outcry regarding Cuba when reports by various media indicated that there were escalated riots by Anti-American “Volunatrios and Pro-Spanish people in Havana detesting against the USA saying that it (the US) was poking its nose where it does not belong (Herring, 2008).

It is also around this time that the Spanish Minister to US, Mr. Enrique Dupuy de Lôme is reported to have said that President McKinley was “weak and a bidder for the admiration of the crowd” (Lennon, 2002).

Not being able to stomach the criticisms anymore, President McKinley decided to send US warships to Cuba. A few weeks later, one of the US warships was sunk and, as earlier stated; the yellow journalists together with the US navy soon corroborated a story alleging that the US Maine disaster, which resulted in deaths of around 250 people, was an act of saboteur by the Spanish (Lennon, 2002).

On the other hand, the Cubans who were in dire need for independence had promised support to the USA, in case they decided to help them fight the common enemy—the Spanish. The culmination of these factors is reason why the war eventually erupted.

Before delving into the effects of the war, it is worth taking note of the following facts about the war. To begin with, the war reportedly began on 3 rd July 1898 with the battle of Santiago de Cuba, the fiercest of the naval battle between the Spanish and Americans. In this battle, the Spanish Caribbean fleet was destroyed courtesy of the American soldiers supported by the Cuban independence fighters thus resulting into the besieging of Santiago de Cuba, and, eventually the entire island (Lennon, 2002).

Moreover, Theodore Roosevelt, together with his Rough Riders, were very monumental in the war based on their dedicated attacks and assaults on San Juan Heights and San Juan Hill—two important hills close to the Santiago Harbor which was in great contention (Roosevelt, 1913/1967). Seeing that they were overpowered by the Americans, the Spanish tried to flee from the Santiago Harbor. However, the Americans captured them, sunk their ships and killed 323 people with only one American dying as a casualty (Lennon, 2002). This paved the way for retreat and surrender.

In finality, the Spanish-American war ended after 109 days with the signing of the “Treaty of Paris” being the major highlight. It is from this point where the treaty was signed that we are going to consider the consequences of the war.

Treaty of Paris and The Political Effects

Primarily, this treaty was signed on the December of 1898 (109 days after the war had began) between the US and Spain—with the Cubans, Puerto Ricans and Filipinos being sidelined from negotiations of the treaty.

So, even though the treaty mentioned Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Filipinos, it is clear that the treaty was mainly signed to benefit and satiate the interests of the Spanish and Americans (who were the war winners) while sidelining the losers and people who had apparently contributed greatly towards the starting and ending of the war (Musicant, 1998).

In the treaty, America’s possessions, in terms of colonial power, was increased as they were given control of Puerto Rico, and Guam while they sold the Philippines for $20 million (Lennon, 2002). Also, the treaty managed to free Cuba who, for long, had been fighting for their freedom. On the other hand, the US gave back the city of St. Augustine Florida to the Spanish.

It is worth mentioning that, unlike the treaties signed previously, the Treaty of Paris did not give the acquired territories a promise of rights for citizenship or statehood. In other words, the treaty considered the acquired territories like Puerto Rico of being unable to self-govern their own based on their inferior ranks going by the imperialistic characteristic of ethnocentrism (DeGuzmán, 2005).

Additionally, America’s name was added to the list of existing colonial empires—something which they had previously fought against and branded as demeaning during the days when they were subjects of Britain (Lennon, 2002). Other treaties, or rather legal amendments also saw their way into the extensions of this treaty.

For example, before the war, US congress (which chiefly constituted of Anti-imperialists) had passed the Teller Amendment committing to grant Cuba Independence. After the war and Cuba being awarded its freedom, the senate (mainly consisting of pro-imperialists) passed the Platt Amendment which forced a peace treaty on Cuba which forbade the Cubans them from getting into treaties with other nations.

According to Herring (2008), the Platt Amendment was considered to be a stab-in-the back move to the Cubans who had trusted the US and helped them during the war, only for US to go against their words after the war.

As a matter of fact, the Platt Amendment gave the US control of Cuba in terms of providing a permanent Navy base in Cuba and giving them freedom to stabilize Cuban Militarily as they wished. It is from such freedoms that later treaties were signed between US and Cuba thus paving way for the rise of imperialistic strongholds of US in Cuba like the famed Guantanamo Bay.

The Philippine-American War

The annexation of the Philippines, as a result of the Treaty of Paris, caused huge problems. In essence, the Filipino had allied with US during the Spanish-American war hoping that they, just like Cuba, would be able to gain their independence. Failing to accord them independence infuriated the Filipinos and made them feel betrayed. Consequently, on the 23 rd day of January 1899, the Filipinos forcefully proclaimed independence and elected Emilio Aguinaldo as their president.

Immediately, the US responded by sending its army to put down the fake Filipino government thus resulting in war and protests from the natives silently supported by Germans who had vested interests in Puerto Rico.

In spite of not having a strong military influence, the Filipinos dragged the US into a hot battle that lasted longer than the Anglo-Spanish war claiming close to 4000 American lives and immense destruction of properties being witnessed.

However, on 21 st March 1901, America finally managed to capture Aguinaldo, forced him to oath loyalty, take a pension from the US and retire peacefully while ensuring that no more revolts were witnessed from the Filipinos. This, eventually, led to the calming down of the Filipinos and thus the halt of the Philippine-American War.

Socio-Economic and Cultural Effects

The Spanish-American war has both positive and negative socio-economic and cultural effects. Starting with the negative side, Loveman (2010) asserts that the war expectedly resulted in the loss of properties, deaths of useful individuals in the society, and the loss of freedoms and political power—all which had a direct negative economic impact.

To this effect, Herring (2008) reports that the collapse of the Spanish empire—especially in losing Cuba—caused national trauma which, in effect, reduced their economic strength.

Still on the negative side, the war resulted in blood between some Spaniards and Americans, Filipinos and the US, Cubans and Spaniards, Germans and Americans (based on the Filipino contention) thus destroying the moral fabric of the relatively good cultural and social environment that previously existed (Musicant, 1998).

On the positive side, however, the war resulted in better economies by some nations, like the US who had new trade avenues in their colonized countries (Lennon, 2002). Cuba’s freedom also had a relative positive impact as the exit of the Spanish paved way for investments by their own people (Schoultz, 2009).

In Spain, modicum economic gains were witnessed from the investments made by Spaniards who came back from US and Cuba pumping money and business ideas into their home economy.

Socially and culturally, some good language patterns emerged. For example, the intermingling between the US and Puerto Rico led to a hybrid of people able to speak English and Spanish on top of their native languages.

Similarly, Filipinos were also able to speak German, Spanish and English on top of their native language (Immerman, 2010). Also, there was an improved interrelation between the Northern and Southern people who, prior to the war were not able to speak to one another (Lennon, 2002).

Other General Impacts of the War

The birth of opinion-based and hyperbole journalism (Yellow Journalism)
The shift in global power and recognition of the US as a superpower and the rise of a new generation of imperialist leaders in the USA like Theodore Roosevelt.
Increased Involvement of Africans into the military based on their monumental impact during the war, for example, Booker T. Washington.

Increased involvement of political groups like the rough riders in national politics

In conclusion, the increase of imperialist leaders getting into the US government led to more expansionist ideas being circulated around the country thus creating the thirst for power consolidation rather than just focusing on progress.

Nonetheless, the lessons learnt from the war by all the involved parties served, and still serve, as a great reminder for the importance of dialogue, peaceful coexistence and good international relations amongst various nations and countries regardless of their different ethnicities.

This, probably, is the reason why, up to date, the politics of international relations still play an irreplaceably key role in the balance of social, political, cultural, technological and social aspects of our lives.

DeGuzmán, M., 2005. ‘Consolidating Anglo-American Identity around the Spanish-American War’, Ch.3 of Spain’s Long Shadow. The Black Legend, Off-Whiteness and Anglo-American Empire, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Herring, G. C., 2008. From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Immerman, R. H., 2010. Empire for liberty: a history of American imperialism from Benjamin Franklin to Paul Wolfowitz . New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Kaplan, R. L., 2003. American journalism goes to war, 1898–2001: a manifesto on media and empire. Media History, 9 (3).

Lennon, K., 2002. Causes and Impacts of the Spanish-American War , https://luceo.net/spanish-american-war/

Loveman, B., 2010. “The New Navy’, Ch.6 of No Higher Law. American foreign policy and the western hemisphere since 1776 , Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Musicant, I., 1998. ‘State of the Union’, Ch.1 of Empire by Default. the Spanish-American war and the dawn of the American century, New York: Henry Holt.

Roosevelt, T., 1913/1967. ‘An Autobiographical Defense’, Ch.11 of The writings of Theodore Roosevelt, New York: Bobbs-Merrill.

Schoultz, L., 2009. That Infernal little Cuban republic: the United States and the Cuban revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

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Understanding the Spanish-American War: Causes and Consequences

This essay about the Spanish-American War of 1898 explores the conflict between Spain and the United States, focusing on Cuba’s struggle for independence and the geopolitical ambitions of both nations. It highlights the sinking of the USS Maine, the subsequent battles, and the Treaty of Paris, which marked the end of hostilities. The essay also examines the war’s complex legacy, including the debates over imperialism and self-determination that arose from the United States’ acquisition of overseas territories.

How it works

The Spanish-American War of 1898 unfolds like a tapestry woven from the threads of ambition, intrigue, and the clash of civilizations. It is a tale of two nations, Spain and the United States, locked in a struggle for supremacy that would reverberate across oceans and shape the course of history.

At its heart lies Cuba, the Pearl of the Antilles, where the flames of revolution flicker defiantly against the backdrop of Spanish tyranny. The Cuban quest for independence, fueled by the fervor of patriots and the anguish of the oppressed, provides the spark that ignites the powder keg of war.

But beneath the surface currents of liberation lies a complex mosaic of interests and agendas. For the United States, still basking in the afterglow of Manifest Destiny, the allure of empire beckons, promising new markets and strategic dominance in the Caribbean and beyond. Meanwhile, Spain, once the mistress of a vast global empire, finds herself struggling to maintain her grip on the last remnants of her colonial dominions.

The sinking of the USS Maine in Havana harbor serves as the catalyst for conflict, setting in motion a chain of events that will lead to war. The cries of “Remember the Maine!” echo across the land, stirring the passions of a nation and galvanizing support for intervention.

From the shores of Cuba to the distant islands of the Philippines, the Spanish-American War unfolds with all the drama of a Shakespearean tragedy. Battles are fought, lives are lost, and in the end, the spoils of victory are divided amongst the victors.

The Treaty of Paris, signed amidst the ruins and the rubble, marks the end of hostilities and the beginning of a new era. Spain, once the mistress of an empire that spanned the globe, finds herself forced to relinquish her colonial possessions, while the United States emerges as the preeminent power of the Western Hemisphere.

Yet, for all its triumphs and glories, the Spanish-American War leaves in its wake a legacy tinged with ambivalence. The acquisition of overseas territories raises troubling questions about imperialism and self-determination, challenging the nation’s sense of identity and moral purpose. The annexation of the Philippines, in particular, proves to be a bitter pill to swallow, as the United States finds itself embroiled in a bloody insurgency that will test its resolve and its commitment to its own ideals.

As we reflect on the causes and consequences of the Spanish-American War, we are reminded that history is a tapestry woven from the threads of human ambition and folly. And in its intricate patterns, we may find the lessons of the past that will guide us towards a more enlightened future.

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Home / Essay Samples / War / Spanish-American War

Essays on Spanish-american War

Major events of the spanish-american war.

The Spanish-American War, fought between the United States and Spain in 1898, marked a significant turning point in history. This essay presents an argumentative analysis of the major events that shaped the course of the war, including the explosion of the USS Maine, the Battle...

Yellow Journalism's Contribution to the Spanish-american War

The Spanish-American War, fought in 1898, was a turning point in American history. While many factors contributed to the outbreak of the war, one significant influence was the rise of yellow journalism. This essay presents an argumentative analysis of how yellow journalism, characterized by sensationalism...

America's Benefits from the Spanish-american War

The Spanish-American War, fought in 1898, had a profound impact on the United States and its role on the world stage. This essay presents an argumentative analysis of the ways in which America benefited from the war. It examines how the conflict opened new opportunities...

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